The Economist
Islam is growing. But ageing and slowing. That will change the world
Jan 27th 2011 | from PRINT EDITION
ARE Muslims taking over the world, or at a minimum, transforming Europe into Eurabia? Whatever your hopes or fears for the future of the world’s religions, a report published this week has plenty to stoke them. “The Future of the Global Muslim Population”, produced by the Pew Research Centre, a non-profit outfit based in Washington, DC, reckons Muslim numbers will soar from 1.6 billion in 2010 to 2.2 billion by 2030. In other words, from 23.4% to 26.4% of the global total.
At the heart of its analysis is the ongoing effect of a “youth bulge” which peaked in 2000. In 1990 Islam’s share of the world’s youth was 20%; in 2010, 26%. In 2030 it will be 29% (of 15-to-29-year-olds). But the Muslim world is slowly heading towards paunchiness: the median age in Muslim-majority countries was 19 in 1990. It is 24 now, and will be 30 by 2030. (For French, Germans and Japanese the figure is 40 or over.) This suggests Muslim numbers will ultimately stop climbing, but later than the rest of the world population.
The authors call their calculations demographic, not political. Drawing on earlier Pew research, they say conversion is not a big factor in the global contest between Islam, Christianity and other faiths; the converts balance out. Nor do they assess piety; via the imperfect data of the United Nations, the European Union and national statistics, they aim simply to measure how many people call themselves Muslim, at least culturally, if asked.
New numbers, they say, will change the world map. As Indonesia prospers, its birth rate is falling; South Asia’s remains very high. By 2030, 80m extra mouths in Pakistan will boost its Muslim numbers to 256m, ousting Indonesia (with 239m) as the most populous Islamic land. India’s Muslim minority will be nearly as large at 236m—though growth is slowing there too. And in 2030 India’s Muslims will still constitute only a modest 15.9% of that country’s swelling total, against 14.6% now.
The report asserts no causal link between Islamic teaching and high fertility rates, although it notes that poverty and poor education are a problem in many Muslim lands. In Muslim countries such as Bangladesh and Turkey, it observes, the lay and religious authorities encourage birth control. Better medical care and lower mortality boost poor-country population numbers too.
Some bleak findings concern Nigeria, where Muslim numbers are seen rising to 117m in 2030 from 76m now, edging up from 47.9% to 51.5% of the population. Illiteracy among Nigerian women of child-bearing age is three times as high among Muslims (71.9%) as among others (23.9%). Two-thirds of Nigerian Muslim women lack any formal education; that goes for just over a tenth of their non-Muslim sisters. The fertility rate is between six and seven children per Muslim woman, versus five for non-Muslims. It is hard to prove that these factors are related, but they do seem to form a pattern.
Eurabian nights
The total Muslim share of Europe’s population is predicted to grow from 6% now to 8% in 2030: hardly the stuff of nightmares. But amid that are some sharp rises. The report assumes Britain has 2.9m Muslims now (far higher than the usual estimates, which suggest 2.4m at most), rising to 5.6m by 2030. As poor migrants start families in Spain and Italy, numbers there will rocket; in France and Germany, where some Muslims are middle-class, rises will be more modest—though from a higher base. Russia’s Muslims will increase to 14.4% or 18.6m, up from 11.7% now (partly because non-Muslims are declining). The report takes a cautious baseline of 2.6m American Muslims in 2010, but predicts the number will surge by 2030 to 6.2m, or 1.7% of the population—about the same size as Jews or Episcopalians. In Canada the Muslim share will surge from 2.8% to 6.6%.
How will liberal democracies accommodate such variety? The clarity of a written constitution may give America an advantage over many European countries, where unwritten custom has more sway. Jonathan Laurence, an Islam-watcher and professor at Boston College, thinks Europe could rise to the challenge, but failure is also easy to imagine. Europe’s Muslims should, by 2030, have become articulate and effective political bargainers. But with nativism on the march, it is also highly possible that Muslims will come to feel they have less in common with their fellow citizens than with their growing band of co-religionists elsewhere.
Mostrando postagens com marcador Europa. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Europa. Mostrar todas as postagens
quarta-feira, 2 de fevereiro de 2011
Il a donc verrouillé encore plus le système en se faisant octroyer, pour la quatrième fois
The Guardian
David Cameron today condemned what he described as "despicable scenes" of violence against protesters in Egypt and said any state sponsorship of it would be "completely and utterly unacceptable".
Speaking outside Downing Street, alongside the UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, the prime minister said the transition of power in Egypt must be "accelerated and happen quickly".
Cameron said: "If it turns out that the regime in any way has been sponsoring or tolerating this violence, that would be completely and utterly unacceptable. These are despicable scenes we are seeing and they should not be repeated.
"They underline the need for political reform and for that political reform to be accelerated and to happen quickly. We need to see a clear road map for that reform so that people in Egypt can have confidence that their aspirations for a more democratic future and greater rights is met and that change needs to start happening now and the violence needs to stop."
Ban said: "I am deeply concerned at the continuing violence in Egypt and once again urge restraint to all sides. This is very much an unacceptable situation. Any attacks on peaceful demonstrators is unacceptable and I strongly condemn it."
Earlier, at prime minister's questions, Cameron called on Egypt to draw up a timetable to convince people there will be a "rapid and credible" transition of power that will forge a "stable and more democratic future".
Describing this week's scenes of the protests in Cairo as "incredibly moving", the prime minister also told MPs he took a "very strong view" that political reform – "not repression" – was required following president Hosni Mubarak's decision to stand down.
In a speech broadcast on state television last night, Mubarak sought to quell a week of demonstrations by saying he would not be running for another term of office in the September elections. He promised to work during "the final months" of his term to ensure a "peaceful transfer of power".
But the delayed nature of Mubarak's concession failed to appease protesters, who maintained their presence in Cairo's main square today.
US president Barack Obama also sought to maintain pressure on Mubarak, saying last night: "What is clear is my belief an orderly transition must be meaningful, it must be peaceful, and it must begin now."
Cameron echoed Obama's words and said a timetable was needed to convince people that an orderly transition was under way.
Greater democracy in the Middle East and the Arab world were required to provide the stability required in "the long-term interests of Britain", he told MPs at prime minister's question time.
"President Mubarak says he is going and we respect that," Cameron said. "But what matters is not just the orderly transition but also that it is urgent, it is credible, it starts now. We should be clear we stand with those in this country who want freedom and democracy and rights the world over.
"And the more they can do with a timetable to convince people it's true, the more the country can settle down to a stable and more democratic future."
He said the reforms needed to go beyond simply holding an election.
"Where we need to be clear is that when we talk about democracy, we don't just mean the act of holding an election, we mean the building blocks of democracy," he said.
"I want to see a partnership for open societies where we encourage stronger civil society, stronger rights, stronger rule of law, a proper place for the army in society, proper independent judiciary."
The prime minister reinforced the call for faster progress, telling MPs the transition needed to be "rapid and credible and it needs to start now".
The Labour leader, Ed Miliband, said: "Far from indicating support for extremism, the people on the streets of Egypt are actually demanding some very basic things: jobs, freedom of speech and the right to choose by whom they are governed."
He said democracy represented the "best route to stability" in Egypt.
Cameron told the Commons that the "first concern" remained the safety of UK nationals in Egypt. Travel advice for the estimated 30,000 UK nationals around the Red Sea area had not changed because matters there remain "calm and stable".
In Cairo, where there are about 3,000 citizens, and in Alexandria, with an estimated 300, many had been urged to return to the UK. There were still very good commercial flights and a flight commissioned by the UK government had been added, Cameron said.
He told MPs that 1,000 had returned from Egypt in the past 48 hours, and praised the UK's response.
"I think the UK government has acted swiftly," he said. "We had a rapid deployment of 25 special consulate staff to Cairo. The military logistics' team of eight were sent out immediately and we were the first country to set up a team at the Cairo airport, which many other countries have gone on to imitate.
"I don't take any of this for granted, there needs to be absolutely no complacency, but I think our ambassador, Dominic Asquith, and his team have done an excellent job."
David Cameron today condemned what he described as "despicable scenes" of violence against protesters in Egypt and said any state sponsorship of it would be "completely and utterly unacceptable".
Speaking outside Downing Street, alongside the UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, the prime minister said the transition of power in Egypt must be "accelerated and happen quickly".
Cameron said: "If it turns out that the regime in any way has been sponsoring or tolerating this violence, that would be completely and utterly unacceptable. These are despicable scenes we are seeing and they should not be repeated.
"They underline the need for political reform and for that political reform to be accelerated and to happen quickly. We need to see a clear road map for that reform so that people in Egypt can have confidence that their aspirations for a more democratic future and greater rights is met and that change needs to start happening now and the violence needs to stop."
Ban said: "I am deeply concerned at the continuing violence in Egypt and once again urge restraint to all sides. This is very much an unacceptable situation. Any attacks on peaceful demonstrators is unacceptable and I strongly condemn it."
Earlier, at prime minister's questions, Cameron called on Egypt to draw up a timetable to convince people there will be a "rapid and credible" transition of power that will forge a "stable and more democratic future".
Describing this week's scenes of the protests in Cairo as "incredibly moving", the prime minister also told MPs he took a "very strong view" that political reform – "not repression" – was required following president Hosni Mubarak's decision to stand down.
In a speech broadcast on state television last night, Mubarak sought to quell a week of demonstrations by saying he would not be running for another term of office in the September elections. He promised to work during "the final months" of his term to ensure a "peaceful transfer of power".
But the delayed nature of Mubarak's concession failed to appease protesters, who maintained their presence in Cairo's main square today.
US president Barack Obama also sought to maintain pressure on Mubarak, saying last night: "What is clear is my belief an orderly transition must be meaningful, it must be peaceful, and it must begin now."
Cameron echoed Obama's words and said a timetable was needed to convince people that an orderly transition was under way.
Greater democracy in the Middle East and the Arab world were required to provide the stability required in "the long-term interests of Britain", he told MPs at prime minister's question time.
"President Mubarak says he is going and we respect that," Cameron said. "But what matters is not just the orderly transition but also that it is urgent, it is credible, it starts now. We should be clear we stand with those in this country who want freedom and democracy and rights the world over.
"And the more they can do with a timetable to convince people it's true, the more the country can settle down to a stable and more democratic future."
He said the reforms needed to go beyond simply holding an election.
"Where we need to be clear is that when we talk about democracy, we don't just mean the act of holding an election, we mean the building blocks of democracy," he said.
"I want to see a partnership for open societies where we encourage stronger civil society, stronger rights, stronger rule of law, a proper place for the army in society, proper independent judiciary."
The prime minister reinforced the call for faster progress, telling MPs the transition needed to be "rapid and credible and it needs to start now".
The Labour leader, Ed Miliband, said: "Far from indicating support for extremism, the people on the streets of Egypt are actually demanding some very basic things: jobs, freedom of speech and the right to choose by whom they are governed."
He said democracy represented the "best route to stability" in Egypt.
Cameron told the Commons that the "first concern" remained the safety of UK nationals in Egypt. Travel advice for the estimated 30,000 UK nationals around the Red Sea area had not changed because matters there remain "calm and stable".
In Cairo, where there are about 3,000 citizens, and in Alexandria, with an estimated 300, many had been urged to return to the UK. There were still very good commercial flights and a flight commissioned by the UK government had been added, Cameron said.
He told MPs that 1,000 had returned from Egypt in the past 48 hours, and praised the UK's response.
"I think the UK government has acted swiftly," he said. "We had a rapid deployment of 25 special consulate staff to Cairo. The military logistics' team of eight were sent out immediately and we were the first country to set up a team at the Cairo airport, which many other countries have gone on to imitate.
"I don't take any of this for granted, there needs to be absolutely no complacency, but I think our ambassador, Dominic Asquith, and his team have done an excellent job."
Marcadores:
África,
Europa,
História e Sociedade,
Oriente Médio,
Paz e Segurança,
Política e Diplomacia
segunda-feira, 24 de janeiro de 2011
France and Africa: Ties across the Mediterranean
The Economist
CAUGHT napping by the “jasmine revolution” in Tunisia, France’s government did what the French do best: worked up a theory to explain itself. France was not only a step behind events but, unlike America, failed to condemn the regime’s violent response to protesters. And days before the flight of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, the Tunisian president, Michèle Alliot-Marie, the foreign minister, clumsily offered the “savoir faire” of France’s security forces to its former protectorate, albeit to avoid endangering protesters’ lives.
The doctrine that explains all this, the government said this week, is “the principle of non-interference”. For decades after its African possessions won independence, French officials, oil bosses and soldiers meddled behind the scenes, propping up many unsavoury leaders along the way. A web of contacts known as françafrique linked African leaders and petrodollars to French political parties and presidents from left and right. When he was elected president in 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy promised to sweep away these “networks of a bygone era” and to replace them with grown-up, bilateral ties free of post-colonial paternalism.
In some ways France has turned a page. Mr Sarkozy has opened a new military base in Abu Dhabi, where France has no colonial link, and handed back to Senegal one of three permanent bases in Africa (those in Gabon and Djibouti remain). He has updated opaque bilateral defence accords. He has courted leaders outside the French-speaking backyard. Since Osama bin Laden declared France a terrorist target after its ban on the burqa, Mr Sarkozy has focused particularly on counter-terrorism.
But does France’s new approach really amount to non-interference? “France used to intervene in order to exist internationally,” comments Dominique Moïsi, of the French Institute of International Relations. “We are witnessing a reversal of this attitude, but it is taking place in a chaotic, if not contradictory, manner.” As Mr Sarkozy conceded this week, the principle of non-interference sometimes clashes with another underlying principle that he claims for French diplomacy, which is to support freedom and democracy.
Consider recent events in three former French territories: Côte d’Ivoire, Tunisia and Niger. When Laurent Gbagbo refused to resign as president of Côte d’Ivoire after losing an election, Mr Sarkozy ordered him to go or to face sanctions. This was in tune with the international consensus, but it was nonetheless perceived as imperious. “Côte d’Ivoire is not a sub-prefecture of France,” snapped one Ivorian minister. Mr Sarkozy’s ultimatum has now expired, with no effect. France has hundreds of soldiers in the country in a peacekeeping operation, who were sucked into a bloody stand-off a few years ago. Nobody wants that again. But would France stand on the sidelines were the African Union, now mediating in the stalemate, to urge the use of force to dislodge Mr Gbagbo?
If the French are unavoidably involved in Côte d’Ivoire, they have been denounced at home for doing nothing in Tunisia. “Scandalous”, “shameful” and “ignoble” were some of the more printable adjectives lobbed this week by the opposition Socialist Party (which, when in power, was just as cosy with the Ben Ali regime). The French blogosphere has dug up evidence of Franco-Tunisian complicity for Facebook’s “Ben Ali Wall of Shame”. When Mr Sarkozy and his wife, Carla Bruni, went on a state visit in 2008, the president announced that Tunisia’s “space of freedom is progressing.”
In reality, France was no more supportive of the Tunisian regime than many others who saw it as a bulwark against Islamism. But its ties to the country are more complex than most. At least 600,000 Tunisians live in France, including many political exiles. France is Tunisia’s biggest trading partner. Several French politicians were born or have homes in Tunisia. This mesh of intimate ties also explains France’s confusion. Having been slow to speak out, it was quick to refuse the fleeing president sanctuary on French soil.
A third, quite different, case concerns the recent kidnapping and execution of two young Frenchmen snatched in a restaurant in Niger by gunmen acting for al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). As Niger’s army chased the kidnappers across the desert, French special forces were called in and carried out an assault by helicopter. Several AQIM gunmen were killed in the shoot-out. Elsewhere in the Sahel, five French hostages are still being held. AQIM killed another last year.
Plainly, fighting terrorism or hostage-taking in the Sahel is a different sort of intervention. But it also reflects how France is trying to redefine its role in Africa. Last year Mr Sarkozy said it was “not a strategy” for France to pay ransoms to kidnappers in the Sahel, or even to negotiate with them. Instead, it would aid any country requesting help to hunt down AQIM. “This was a major strategic change,” says François Heisbourg of the Foundation for Strategic Research. The special forces that France has stationed in the Sahel explain how the Niger kidnappers were tracked so rapidly. In short, France may want neat principles for its new diplomacy in Africa; but the reality is a lot more blurred.
CAUGHT napping by the “jasmine revolution” in Tunisia, France’s government did what the French do best: worked up a theory to explain itself. France was not only a step behind events but, unlike America, failed to condemn the regime’s violent response to protesters. And days before the flight of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, the Tunisian president, Michèle Alliot-Marie, the foreign minister, clumsily offered the “savoir faire” of France’s security forces to its former protectorate, albeit to avoid endangering protesters’ lives.
The doctrine that explains all this, the government said this week, is “the principle of non-interference”. For decades after its African possessions won independence, French officials, oil bosses and soldiers meddled behind the scenes, propping up many unsavoury leaders along the way. A web of contacts known as françafrique linked African leaders and petrodollars to French political parties and presidents from left and right. When he was elected president in 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy promised to sweep away these “networks of a bygone era” and to replace them with grown-up, bilateral ties free of post-colonial paternalism.
In some ways France has turned a page. Mr Sarkozy has opened a new military base in Abu Dhabi, where France has no colonial link, and handed back to Senegal one of three permanent bases in Africa (those in Gabon and Djibouti remain). He has updated opaque bilateral defence accords. He has courted leaders outside the French-speaking backyard. Since Osama bin Laden declared France a terrorist target after its ban on the burqa, Mr Sarkozy has focused particularly on counter-terrorism.
But does France’s new approach really amount to non-interference? “France used to intervene in order to exist internationally,” comments Dominique Moïsi, of the French Institute of International Relations. “We are witnessing a reversal of this attitude, but it is taking place in a chaotic, if not contradictory, manner.” As Mr Sarkozy conceded this week, the principle of non-interference sometimes clashes with another underlying principle that he claims for French diplomacy, which is to support freedom and democracy.
Consider recent events in three former French territories: Côte d’Ivoire, Tunisia and Niger. When Laurent Gbagbo refused to resign as president of Côte d’Ivoire after losing an election, Mr Sarkozy ordered him to go or to face sanctions. This was in tune with the international consensus, but it was nonetheless perceived as imperious. “Côte d’Ivoire is not a sub-prefecture of France,” snapped one Ivorian minister. Mr Sarkozy’s ultimatum has now expired, with no effect. France has hundreds of soldiers in the country in a peacekeeping operation, who were sucked into a bloody stand-off a few years ago. Nobody wants that again. But would France stand on the sidelines were the African Union, now mediating in the stalemate, to urge the use of force to dislodge Mr Gbagbo?
If the French are unavoidably involved in Côte d’Ivoire, they have been denounced at home for doing nothing in Tunisia. “Scandalous”, “shameful” and “ignoble” were some of the more printable adjectives lobbed this week by the opposition Socialist Party (which, when in power, was just as cosy with the Ben Ali regime). The French blogosphere has dug up evidence of Franco-Tunisian complicity for Facebook’s “Ben Ali Wall of Shame”. When Mr Sarkozy and his wife, Carla Bruni, went on a state visit in 2008, the president announced that Tunisia’s “space of freedom is progressing.”
In reality, France was no more supportive of the Tunisian regime than many others who saw it as a bulwark against Islamism. But its ties to the country are more complex than most. At least 600,000 Tunisians live in France, including many political exiles. France is Tunisia’s biggest trading partner. Several French politicians were born or have homes in Tunisia. This mesh of intimate ties also explains France’s confusion. Having been slow to speak out, it was quick to refuse the fleeing president sanctuary on French soil.
A third, quite different, case concerns the recent kidnapping and execution of two young Frenchmen snatched in a restaurant in Niger by gunmen acting for al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). As Niger’s army chased the kidnappers across the desert, French special forces were called in and carried out an assault by helicopter. Several AQIM gunmen were killed in the shoot-out. Elsewhere in the Sahel, five French hostages are still being held. AQIM killed another last year.
Plainly, fighting terrorism or hostage-taking in the Sahel is a different sort of intervention. But it also reflects how France is trying to redefine its role in Africa. Last year Mr Sarkozy said it was “not a strategy” for France to pay ransoms to kidnappers in the Sahel, or even to negotiate with them. Instead, it would aid any country requesting help to hunt down AQIM. “This was a major strategic change,” says François Heisbourg of the Foundation for Strategic Research. The special forces that France has stationed in the Sahel explain how the Niger kidnappers were tracked so rapidly. In short, France may want neat principles for its new diplomacy in Africa; but the reality is a lot more blurred.
Marcadores:
África,
Europa,
Política e Diplomacia
Sarkozy : "Plus nous voudrons faire de l'ingérence, moins nous serons influents"
Le Monde
Arborant un air grave et parlant d'un ton sobre – deux signes qu'il cherche à "représidentialiser" son image – Nicolas Sarkozy a évoqué, lors de sa conférence de presse, lundi 24 janvier, les sujets internationaux du moment. Répétant que la France serait "ferme" face au terrorisme, il a également réitéré le soutien de Paris au "seul gouvernement légitime de Côte d'Ivoire", celui d'Alassane Ouattara.
Il a aussi évoqué la situation du Liban, espérant des "initiatives" européennes pour "sortir du blocage", qu'il a imputé à "des intérêts extérieurs", en l'occurrence le conflit israélo-palestinien. Il a jugé qu'il était "indispensable d'impliquer la Syrie" dans les discussions. Le chef de l'Etat a également fait part de son "émotion" face à la mort des deux jeunes otages français d'AQMI au Niger, "lâchement assassinés" dans l'opération visant à les libérer, promettant : "Ce ne sont pas nos soldats qui ont tiré les premiers", mais assumant l'opération.
Sur la Tunisie, Nicolas Sarkozy a esquissé un timide mea culpa, reconnaissant que la France n'avait "pas pris la juste mesure" de la contestation du peuple tunisien, auquel il a réitéré la "solidarité du peuple français", promettant l'avénement d'une "ère nouvelle" entre les deux pays. Mais selon lui, "dire que nous sommes restés silencieux devant les morts est un peu exagéré". Le gouvernement va par ailleurs proposer une "série de mesures" pour aider la Tunisie.
Quant à l'attitude de la France, qui a très longtemps soutenu l'ex-président tunisien Ben Ali, le chef de l'Etat s'est abrité derrière le passé colonial de la France et les "blessures de l'histoire" pour mieux vanter une "réserve" française vis-à-vis des pays étrangers. "Plus nous voudrons faire de l'ingérence et moins nous serons influents."
Nicolas Sarkozy a estimé que "la puissance coloniale est toujours illégitime à prononcer un jugement sur les affaires intérieures d'une ancienne colonie". Il a par ailleurs mis en avant le fait que la France ait abrité des membres de l'opposition tunisienne, et évoqué les relations passées de ses prédécesseurs avec Ben Ali ou Bourguiba.
Interrogé sur la prise de position malheureuse de Michèle Alliot-Marie, qui avait proposé, quelques jours avant la chute de Ben Ali, l'aide de la France au maintien de l'ordre en Tunisie, Nicolas Sarkozy a préféré botter en touche, asssurant que la ministre souhaitait simplement "éviter qu'il y ait plus de drames".
Arborant un air grave et parlant d'un ton sobre – deux signes qu'il cherche à "représidentialiser" son image – Nicolas Sarkozy a évoqué, lors de sa conférence de presse, lundi 24 janvier, les sujets internationaux du moment. Répétant que la France serait "ferme" face au terrorisme, il a également réitéré le soutien de Paris au "seul gouvernement légitime de Côte d'Ivoire", celui d'Alassane Ouattara.
Il a aussi évoqué la situation du Liban, espérant des "initiatives" européennes pour "sortir du blocage", qu'il a imputé à "des intérêts extérieurs", en l'occurrence le conflit israélo-palestinien. Il a jugé qu'il était "indispensable d'impliquer la Syrie" dans les discussions. Le chef de l'Etat a également fait part de son "émotion" face à la mort des deux jeunes otages français d'AQMI au Niger, "lâchement assassinés" dans l'opération visant à les libérer, promettant : "Ce ne sont pas nos soldats qui ont tiré les premiers", mais assumant l'opération.
Sur la Tunisie, Nicolas Sarkozy a esquissé un timide mea culpa, reconnaissant que la France n'avait "pas pris la juste mesure" de la contestation du peuple tunisien, auquel il a réitéré la "solidarité du peuple français", promettant l'avénement d'une "ère nouvelle" entre les deux pays. Mais selon lui, "dire que nous sommes restés silencieux devant les morts est un peu exagéré". Le gouvernement va par ailleurs proposer une "série de mesures" pour aider la Tunisie.
Quant à l'attitude de la France, qui a très longtemps soutenu l'ex-président tunisien Ben Ali, le chef de l'Etat s'est abrité derrière le passé colonial de la France et les "blessures de l'histoire" pour mieux vanter une "réserve" française vis-à-vis des pays étrangers. "Plus nous voudrons faire de l'ingérence et moins nous serons influents."
Nicolas Sarkozy a estimé que "la puissance coloniale est toujours illégitime à prononcer un jugement sur les affaires intérieures d'une ancienne colonie". Il a par ailleurs mis en avant le fait que la France ait abrité des membres de l'opposition tunisienne, et évoqué les relations passées de ses prédécesseurs avec Ben Ali ou Bourguiba.
Interrogé sur la prise de position malheureuse de Michèle Alliot-Marie, qui avait proposé, quelques jours avant la chute de Ben Ali, l'aide de la France au maintien de l'ordre en Tunisie, Nicolas Sarkozy a préféré botter en touche, asssurant que la ministre souhaitait simplement "éviter qu'il y ait plus de drames".
Marcadores:
África,
Europa,
Política e Diplomacia
terça-feira, 11 de janeiro de 2011
Le Portugal ne sollicitera pas d'aide internationale, affirme José Socrates
Le Monde
Le Portugal a dépassé ses objectifs en matière budgétaire pour l'année 2010 et ne compte nullement solliciter une aide financière internationale, a affirmé mardi le premier ministre, José Socrates. La part du déficit est inférieure au seuil visé de 7,3 % du produit intérieur brut (PIB) tandis que les recettes budgétaires, attendues en hausse de 4,5 %, ont finalement augmenté de 5,3 %, a indiqué le chef du gouvernement. Soulignant que son pays faisait le nécessaire pour résoudre ses difficultés, José Socrates a ajouté que les rumeurs sur un possible sauvetage financier ne faisaient que le jeu des spéculateurs et n'aidaient en rien le Portugal.
Fernando Teixeira dos Santos, le ministre des finances, indique que le Portugal "ne prévoit pas" de recourir à l'aide extérieure pour se financer et "fait tout pour éviter une telle éventualité". Il indique aussi que recourir à un plan de sauvetage "causerait des dommages très significatifs à la réputation du pays", qui "mettrait des années à récupérer". "Le Portugal fait son travail pour résoudre ses déséquilibres financiers", a affirmé le ministre, pour qui "c'est l'Europe qui semble ne pas faire son travail pour maintenir la stabilité de l'euro". Interrogé sur la hausse des taux de la dette portugaise alors que le Portugal a prévu d'émettre mercredi entre 750 millions et 1,25 milliard d'euros d'obligations, le ministre a reconnu que "les conditions du marché se sont aggravées", tout en soulignant : "Le taux moyen de notre dette est encore relativement faible." "Nous sommes en condition de supporter ces taux", a affirmé M. Teixeira dos Santos, estimant qu'"il faut du temps pour que le pays parvienne à montrer ses résultats, pas seulement pour 2010 mais aussi pour 2011".
Le Portugal a dépassé ses objectifs en matière budgétaire pour l'année 2010 et ne compte nullement solliciter une aide financière internationale, a affirmé mardi le premier ministre, José Socrates. La part du déficit est inférieure au seuil visé de 7,3 % du produit intérieur brut (PIB) tandis que les recettes budgétaires, attendues en hausse de 4,5 %, ont finalement augmenté de 5,3 %, a indiqué le chef du gouvernement. Soulignant que son pays faisait le nécessaire pour résoudre ses difficultés, José Socrates a ajouté que les rumeurs sur un possible sauvetage financier ne faisaient que le jeu des spéculateurs et n'aidaient en rien le Portugal.
Fernando Teixeira dos Santos, le ministre des finances, indique que le Portugal "ne prévoit pas" de recourir à l'aide extérieure pour se financer et "fait tout pour éviter une telle éventualité". Il indique aussi que recourir à un plan de sauvetage "causerait des dommages très significatifs à la réputation du pays", qui "mettrait des années à récupérer". "Le Portugal fait son travail pour résoudre ses déséquilibres financiers", a affirmé le ministre, pour qui "c'est l'Europe qui semble ne pas faire son travail pour maintenir la stabilité de l'euro". Interrogé sur la hausse des taux de la dette portugaise alors que le Portugal a prévu d'émettre mercredi entre 750 millions et 1,25 milliard d'euros d'obligations, le ministre a reconnu que "les conditions du marché se sont aggravées", tout en soulignant : "Le taux moyen de notre dette est encore relativement faible." "Nous sommes en condition de supporter ces taux", a affirmé M. Teixeira dos Santos, estimant qu'"il faut du temps pour que le pays parvienne à montrer ses résultats, pas seulement pour 2010 mais aussi pour 2011".
Marcadores:
Economia e Comércio Internacional,
Europa
sexta-feira, 7 de janeiro de 2011
L'achat de dette souveraine dans la zone euro, une bonne affaire pour Pékin
Le Monde
L'achat d'obligations d'Etat européennes par la Chine est une bonne affaire, selon un communiqué publié vendredi par la banque centrale chinoise. "Sur la base de la diversification et du morcellement [des risques], l'investissement des réserves de change dans les dettes souveraines de la zone euro est non seulement bénéfique à la stabilité financière internationale et à celle de l'Europe, mais offre aussi un retour sur investissement raisonnable", précise le communiqué qui rapporte des propos tenus par le vice-gouverneur de la banque, Yi Gang.
C'est pourquoi ces placements devraient permettre "de garantir ou d'augmenter la valeur des réserves de change chinoises", d'après M. Yi qui s'exprimait durant la visite en Espagne cette semaine du vice-premier ministre chinois, Li Keqiang. Le communiqué de la banque centrale rappelle que la Chine "soutient fermement les mesures prise par l'UE et le FMI", ainsi que "la stabilité de l'euro". La dette publique espagnole reste au-dessous de la moyenne européenne, mais elle a grimpé de 16,3 % en un an.
La Chine n'a pas officiellement dévoilé le montant des obligations d'Etat espagnoles qu'elle avait l'intention d'acheter, mais selon le quotidien espagnol El Pais, jeudi, Pékin pourrait en acquérir pour six milliards d'euros, soit autant que ce que le gouvernement chinois aurait déjà acheté de dettes grecque et portugaise. Le vice-premier ministre avait indiqué dans une précédente édition de El Pais que son pays faisait "confiance au marché financier espagnol, ce qui s'est traduit par l'achat de sa dette publique, ce que nous allons continuer à faire".
L'intérêt de la Chine pour les obligations d'Etat européennes s'inscrit dans une tendance de fond pour Pékin, premier bailleur mondial avec des réserves de devises qui s'élèvent à près de 2 600 milliards de dollars selon les estimations de la CIA, et qui s'est engagée depuis plusieurs mois dans une vaste diversification de ses réserves, pendant longtemps cantonnées au dollar.
L'achat d'obligations d'Etat européennes par la Chine est une bonne affaire, selon un communiqué publié vendredi par la banque centrale chinoise. "Sur la base de la diversification et du morcellement [des risques], l'investissement des réserves de change dans les dettes souveraines de la zone euro est non seulement bénéfique à la stabilité financière internationale et à celle de l'Europe, mais offre aussi un retour sur investissement raisonnable", précise le communiqué qui rapporte des propos tenus par le vice-gouverneur de la banque, Yi Gang.
C'est pourquoi ces placements devraient permettre "de garantir ou d'augmenter la valeur des réserves de change chinoises", d'après M. Yi qui s'exprimait durant la visite en Espagne cette semaine du vice-premier ministre chinois, Li Keqiang. Le communiqué de la banque centrale rappelle que la Chine "soutient fermement les mesures prise par l'UE et le FMI", ainsi que "la stabilité de l'euro". La dette publique espagnole reste au-dessous de la moyenne européenne, mais elle a grimpé de 16,3 % en un an.
La Chine n'a pas officiellement dévoilé le montant des obligations d'Etat espagnoles qu'elle avait l'intention d'acheter, mais selon le quotidien espagnol El Pais, jeudi, Pékin pourrait en acquérir pour six milliards d'euros, soit autant que ce que le gouvernement chinois aurait déjà acheté de dettes grecque et portugaise. Le vice-premier ministre avait indiqué dans une précédente édition de El Pais que son pays faisait "confiance au marché financier espagnol, ce qui s'est traduit par l'achat de sa dette publique, ce que nous allons continuer à faire".
L'intérêt de la Chine pour les obligations d'Etat européennes s'inscrit dans une tendance de fond pour Pékin, premier bailleur mondial avec des réserves de devises qui s'élèvent à près de 2 600 milliards de dollars selon les estimations de la CIA, et qui s'est engagée depuis plusieurs mois dans une vaste diversification de ses réserves, pendant longtemps cantonnées au dollar.
Marcadores:
China,
Economia e Comércio Internacional,
Europa
segunda-feira, 3 de janeiro de 2011
WikiLeaks: US targets EU over GM crops
The Guardian
The US embassy in Paris advised Washington to start a military-style trade war against any European Union country which opposed genetically modified (GM) crops, newly released WikiLeaks cables show.
In response to moves by France to ban a Monsanto GM corn variety in late 2007, the ambassador, Craig Stapleton, a friend and business partner of former US president George Bush, asked Washington to penalise the EU and particularly countries which did not support the use of GM crops.
"Country team Paris recommends that we calibrate a target retaliation list that causes some pain across the EU since this is a collective responsibility, but that also focuses in part on the worst culprits.
"The list should be measured rather than vicious and must be sustainable over the long term, since we should not expect an early victory. Moving to retaliation will make clear that the current path has real costs to EU interests and could help strengthen European pro-biotech voices," said Stapleton, who with Bush co-owned the St Louis-based Texas Rangers baseball team in the 1990s.
In other newly released cables, US diplomats around the world are found to have pushed GM crops as a strategic government and commercial imperative.
Because many Catholic bishops in developing countries have been vehemently opposed to the controversial crops, the US applied particular pressure to the pope's advisers.
Cables from the US embassy in the Vatican show that the US believes the pope is broadly supportive of the crops after sustained lobbying of senior Holy See advisers, but regrets that he has not yet stated his support. The US state department special adviser on biotechnology as well as government biotech advisers based in Kenya lobbied Vatican insiders to persuade the pope to declare his backing. "… met with [US monsignor] Fr Michael Osborn of the Pontifical Council Cor Unum, offering a chance to push the Vatican on biotech issues, and an opportunity for post to analyse the current state of play on biotech in the Vatican generally," says one cable in 2008.
"Opportunities exist to press the issue with the Vatican, and in turn to influence a wide segment of the population in Europe and the developing world," says another.
But in a setback, the US embassy found that its closest ally on GM, Cardinal Renato Martino, head of the powerful Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace and the man who mostly represents the pope at the United Nations, had withdrawn his support for the US.
"A Martino deputy told us recently that the cardinal had co-operated with embassy Vatican on biotech over the past two years in part to compensate for his vocal disapproval of the Iraq war and its aftermath – to keep relations with the USG [US government] smooth. According to our source, Martino no longer feels the need to take this approach," says the cable.
In addition, the cables show US diplomats working directly for GM companies such as Monsanto. "In response to recent urgent requests by [Spanish rural affairs ministry] state secretary Josep Puxeu and Monsanto, post requests renewed US government support of Spain's science-based agricultural biotechnology position through high-level US government intervention."
It also emerges that Spain and the US have worked closely together to persuade the EU not to strengthen biotechnology laws. In one cable, the embassy in Madrid writes: "If Spain falls, the rest of Europe will follow."
The cables show that not only did the Spanish government ask the US to keep pressure on Brussels but that the US knew in advance how Spain would vote, even before the Spanish biotech commission had reported.
The US embassy in Paris advised Washington to start a military-style trade war against any European Union country which opposed genetically modified (GM) crops, newly released WikiLeaks cables show.
In response to moves by France to ban a Monsanto GM corn variety in late 2007, the ambassador, Craig Stapleton, a friend and business partner of former US president George Bush, asked Washington to penalise the EU and particularly countries which did not support the use of GM crops.
"Country team Paris recommends that we calibrate a target retaliation list that causes some pain across the EU since this is a collective responsibility, but that also focuses in part on the worst culprits.
"The list should be measured rather than vicious and must be sustainable over the long term, since we should not expect an early victory. Moving to retaliation will make clear that the current path has real costs to EU interests and could help strengthen European pro-biotech voices," said Stapleton, who with Bush co-owned the St Louis-based Texas Rangers baseball team in the 1990s.
In other newly released cables, US diplomats around the world are found to have pushed GM crops as a strategic government and commercial imperative.
Because many Catholic bishops in developing countries have been vehemently opposed to the controversial crops, the US applied particular pressure to the pope's advisers.
Cables from the US embassy in the Vatican show that the US believes the pope is broadly supportive of the crops after sustained lobbying of senior Holy See advisers, but regrets that he has not yet stated his support. The US state department special adviser on biotechnology as well as government biotech advisers based in Kenya lobbied Vatican insiders to persuade the pope to declare his backing. "… met with [US monsignor] Fr Michael Osborn of the Pontifical Council Cor Unum, offering a chance to push the Vatican on biotech issues, and an opportunity for post to analyse the current state of play on biotech in the Vatican generally," says one cable in 2008.
"Opportunities exist to press the issue with the Vatican, and in turn to influence a wide segment of the population in Europe and the developing world," says another.
But in a setback, the US embassy found that its closest ally on GM, Cardinal Renato Martino, head of the powerful Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace and the man who mostly represents the pope at the United Nations, had withdrawn his support for the US.
"A Martino deputy told us recently that the cardinal had co-operated with embassy Vatican on biotech over the past two years in part to compensate for his vocal disapproval of the Iraq war and its aftermath – to keep relations with the USG [US government] smooth. According to our source, Martino no longer feels the need to take this approach," says the cable.
In addition, the cables show US diplomats working directly for GM companies such as Monsanto. "In response to recent urgent requests by [Spanish rural affairs ministry] state secretary Josep Puxeu and Monsanto, post requests renewed US government support of Spain's science-based agricultural biotechnology position through high-level US government intervention."
It also emerges that Spain and the US have worked closely together to persuade the EU not to strengthen biotechnology laws. In one cable, the embassy in Madrid writes: "If Spain falls, the rest of Europe will follow."
The cables show that not only did the Spanish government ask the US to keep pressure on Brussels but that the US knew in advance how Spain would vote, even before the Spanish biotech commission had reported.
quinta-feira, 4 de novembro de 2010
Window of opportunity for two-state solution closing, Hague warns Israel
The Guardian
William Hague warned today that the window of opportunity for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was closing and failure by the two parties to reach agreement would be a "serious setback".
Speaking at the end of a two-day visit to Israel and the Palestinian territories, after visiting Jerusalem's Holocaust memorial, Yad Vashem, the foreign secretary urged Israel to renew its freeze on settlement construction to allow direct talks between the two parties to resume.
"There are many important issues, but this is one that has the potential to get direct talks going," he said. The British government wanted Israel to renew the moratorium on building, and he had "made his views clear" to Israeli politicians and officials during his visit, he said.
Hague met the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, and foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, as well as the Palestinian prime minister, Salam Fayyad, during his visit.
"I am very worried that the window of opportunity is closing. There is real urgency to that," he said. The current talks were the third attempt in a decade to reach a comprehensive settlement and a two-state solution.
"If they don't succeed there will be a loss of hope. We must never give up trying, but [to fail] would be a serious setback," Hague said.
Direct negotiations began in early September but stalled shortly afterwards when the 10-month partial freeze on construction in settlements expired. The Palestinians insist they cannot negotiate on the boundaries of a future state while Israel continues to build and expand settlements on Palestinian land. All settlements are illegal under international law.
Commenting on the swift collapse of the talks, Hague said it had been right to try to get momentum going. "The early session of the talks were held in an atmosphere of great sincerity," he said. "The UK wants to see a fresh moratorium because the prize here is enormous, of long-term peace. The price being asked to get back into those talks ... is well worth paying."
He indicated that the UK would prefer a substantial extension to the freeze rather than the 60 days demanded by the US. "We don't want to come back to this issue every few months," he said, but he added that the UK was "not managing that process".
Alternatives to a negotiated settlement of the conflict were "difficult", he said. Asked whether the UK would back a tentative plan by the Palestinians to ask the UN security council to recognise a Palestinian state on the pre-1967 borders, he said: "It can be a false hope to think there is a good plan B or plan C. I would discourage this at this moment."
Hague's first visit as foreign secretary to Israel and the Palestinian territories was in danger of being marred by a row over attempts to obtain warrants in the UK for the arrest of Israeli politicians for alleged war crimes.
A statement issued after Hague's meeting with Netanyahu this morning said Israel welcomed the "clear commitment" by the UK to amend the law on universal jurisdiction under which such warrants were issued.
It added that the next "strategic dialogue" meeting between the two countries, which Israel had postponed in protest, would "take place very soon, in Israel".
Hague described the episode as "a little frustrating", but the difficulties had now been overcome. It had been, he said, "a mistake" on behalf of the Israeli foreign ministry rather than intentional.
Hague also courted controversy by meeting leaders of unarmed protests against the Israeli occupation in West Bank towns and villages in Ramallah on Wednesday. According to the Popular Struggle Co-ordination Committee, the foreign secretary gave "an unequivocal show of support in the face of ongoing Israeli repression".
Today, Hague said there was no contradiction between being a friend of Israel and a friend of the Palestinians.
William Hague warned today that the window of opportunity for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was closing and failure by the two parties to reach agreement would be a "serious setback".
Speaking at the end of a two-day visit to Israel and the Palestinian territories, after visiting Jerusalem's Holocaust memorial, Yad Vashem, the foreign secretary urged Israel to renew its freeze on settlement construction to allow direct talks between the two parties to resume.
"There are many important issues, but this is one that has the potential to get direct talks going," he said. The British government wanted Israel to renew the moratorium on building, and he had "made his views clear" to Israeli politicians and officials during his visit, he said.
Hague met the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, and foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, as well as the Palestinian prime minister, Salam Fayyad, during his visit.
"I am very worried that the window of opportunity is closing. There is real urgency to that," he said. The current talks were the third attempt in a decade to reach a comprehensive settlement and a two-state solution.
"If they don't succeed there will be a loss of hope. We must never give up trying, but [to fail] would be a serious setback," Hague said.
Direct negotiations began in early September but stalled shortly afterwards when the 10-month partial freeze on construction in settlements expired. The Palestinians insist they cannot negotiate on the boundaries of a future state while Israel continues to build and expand settlements on Palestinian land. All settlements are illegal under international law.
Commenting on the swift collapse of the talks, Hague said it had been right to try to get momentum going. "The early session of the talks were held in an atmosphere of great sincerity," he said. "The UK wants to see a fresh moratorium because the prize here is enormous, of long-term peace. The price being asked to get back into those talks ... is well worth paying."
He indicated that the UK would prefer a substantial extension to the freeze rather than the 60 days demanded by the US. "We don't want to come back to this issue every few months," he said, but he added that the UK was "not managing that process".
Alternatives to a negotiated settlement of the conflict were "difficult", he said. Asked whether the UK would back a tentative plan by the Palestinians to ask the UN security council to recognise a Palestinian state on the pre-1967 borders, he said: "It can be a false hope to think there is a good plan B or plan C. I would discourage this at this moment."
Hague's first visit as foreign secretary to Israel and the Palestinian territories was in danger of being marred by a row over attempts to obtain warrants in the UK for the arrest of Israeli politicians for alleged war crimes.
A statement issued after Hague's meeting with Netanyahu this morning said Israel welcomed the "clear commitment" by the UK to amend the law on universal jurisdiction under which such warrants were issued.
It added that the next "strategic dialogue" meeting between the two countries, which Israel had postponed in protest, would "take place very soon, in Israel".
Hague described the episode as "a little frustrating", but the difficulties had now been overcome. It had been, he said, "a mistake" on behalf of the Israeli foreign ministry rather than intentional.
Hague also courted controversy by meeting leaders of unarmed protests against the Israeli occupation in West Bank towns and villages in Ramallah on Wednesday. According to the Popular Struggle Co-ordination Committee, the foreign secretary gave "an unequivocal show of support in the face of ongoing Israeli repression".
Today, Hague said there was no contradiction between being a friend of Israel and a friend of the Palestinians.
Marcadores:
Europa,
Oriente Médio,
Paz e Segurança,
Política e Diplomacia
"Pour la Chine, la France est loin d'être une puissance égale"
Le Monde
L'avocat d'affaires Olivier Lefébure, ancien vice-président de la chambre de commerce et d'industrie française en Chine, revient sur les relations actuelles entre Paris et Pékin, alors que le président Hu Jintao effectue depuis jeudi une visite de trois jours dans l'Hexagone. Jeudi, Paris et Pékin ont signé une série de contrats, qui pourraient atteindre un total de 14 milliards d'euros, selon Pékin.
De manière très claire, elle symbolise la fin d'une période de querelle diplomatique. Au-delà des contrats signés entre les grandes entreprises – généralement acquis et négociés depuis plusieurs mois et qui sont un outil efficace de communication politique –, l'attention portée sur l'économie montre qu'on ne veut plus parler des sujets qui fâchent.
Il faut dire que ça ne pouvait que se réchauffer, tant le comportement de Nicolas Sarkozy en 2008, au sujet des Jeux olympiques et du Tibet, a été mal vu par les Chinois. Ils ont trouvé notre président maladroit, inconsistant, et nous l'ont fait ensuite payer assez cher. Nos diplomates sur place se sont sentis "en quarantaine", la politique de visas à l'égard des Français a été plus sévère, tandis que les dirigeants chinois ont soigneusement évité notre pays lors des voyages européens.
Tout cela est semble-t-il terminé, sans être toutefois revenu à l'excellence des relations d'avant 2008. Mais la réconciliation n'est pas due à une quelconque inflexion de Pékin : c'est surtout l'évolution du discours de la France et la fin des prises de position de Nicolas Sarkozy sur la politique intérieure chinoise qui ont joué.
Lors de cette visite, l'accent est mis sur le nombre de contrats signés entre les deux pays. Ces dernières années, les échanges économiques ont-ils souffert de l'agitation diplomatique ?
La Chine ne mélange pas les genres. La politique extérieure est une chose, le business en est une autre. Ses relations avec le Japon et Taïwan sont diplomatiquement exécrables, mais ces pays restent les premiers partenaires commerciaux des Chinois.
Les relations commerciales franco-chinoises et les chiffres de l'import-export n'ont pas fondamentalement évolué depuis 2008 : la structure des échanges pèse dans ce domaine bien plus que la diplomatie. On peut s'en réjouir, mais aussi le déplorer, car la France est encore loin de pouvoir jouer un rôle important en Chine. La part de marché de la France dans le pays n'est que de 1,2 % ou 1,3 % : c'est très en deçà de ce que l'on représente au niveau mondial (environ 5 %).
Nos exportations se concentrent majoritairement sur les projets industriels de grands groupes. Or, en ce moment, le marché intérieur chinois se modifie avec l'émergence d'une nouvelle classe moyenne et l'apparition d'habitudes dont les entreprises françaises pourraient profiter. Je pense à des biens de consommation sophistiqués où la France a traditionnellement une bonne image (luxe, vins...), mais aussi à d'autres marchés, comme celui de l'automobile, qui sont poussés par ces transformations intérieures.
Mais la concurrence dans ces domaines est rude. Les autres pays européens, les Nord-Américains, les Indiens, les Australiens et bien d'autres sont sur le coup, et les Chinois évitent généralement de mettre tous leurs œufs dans le même panier.
Que penser de la déclaration d'Hu Jintao, qui entend créer un partenariat "d'égal à égal" entre la France et la Chine, pour "assurer (...) un développement sain et régulier des relations, et élargir les échanges commerciaux" ?
Il s'agit d'une marque de courtoisie chinoise, facile à faire lorsqu'on est la locomotive mondiale. La France, pour la Chine, est un partenaire, mais est loin d'être considérée comme une puissance "égale". Surtout lorsque notre situation des finances publiques est calamiteuse et que notre déficit commercial envers la Chine est si élevé [20 milliards d'euros en 2009 selon les douanes françaises].
Dans ce cadre, la France est perçue comme le reste des pays occidentaux, qui cherchent à conserver leur rôle de leaders mondiaux sans en avoir les moyens. La Chine, tout en ayant conscience de sa force de frappe économique, se considère toujours comme un "pays pauvre", au PIB par habitant dix fois moins important que ceux de l'Europe et des Etats-Unis.
Pour elle, donc, la priorité reste de dynamiser la croissance et de conquérir de nouveaux marchés. Et force est de constater que les Chinois attaquent très intelligemment, en appuyant là où ça fait mal. Ils proposent ainsi sans complexe une aide financière à la Grèce et au Portugal, alors que l'Union européenne a mis des mois à se coordonner pour proposer un plan d'aide pour lutter contre la crise de la dette. En contrepartie, les Chinois remportent des marchés stratégiques dans ces pays, par exemple ceux de l'industrie navale en Grèce. "L'égal à égal", dans ce contexte, reste une fois de plus de l'affichage diplomatique.
L'avocat d'affaires Olivier Lefébure, ancien vice-président de la chambre de commerce et d'industrie française en Chine, revient sur les relations actuelles entre Paris et Pékin, alors que le président Hu Jintao effectue depuis jeudi une visite de trois jours dans l'Hexagone. Jeudi, Paris et Pékin ont signé une série de contrats, qui pourraient atteindre un total de 14 milliards d'euros, selon Pékin.
De manière très claire, elle symbolise la fin d'une période de querelle diplomatique. Au-delà des contrats signés entre les grandes entreprises – généralement acquis et négociés depuis plusieurs mois et qui sont un outil efficace de communication politique –, l'attention portée sur l'économie montre qu'on ne veut plus parler des sujets qui fâchent.
Il faut dire que ça ne pouvait que se réchauffer, tant le comportement de Nicolas Sarkozy en 2008, au sujet des Jeux olympiques et du Tibet, a été mal vu par les Chinois. Ils ont trouvé notre président maladroit, inconsistant, et nous l'ont fait ensuite payer assez cher. Nos diplomates sur place se sont sentis "en quarantaine", la politique de visas à l'égard des Français a été plus sévère, tandis que les dirigeants chinois ont soigneusement évité notre pays lors des voyages européens.
Tout cela est semble-t-il terminé, sans être toutefois revenu à l'excellence des relations d'avant 2008. Mais la réconciliation n'est pas due à une quelconque inflexion de Pékin : c'est surtout l'évolution du discours de la France et la fin des prises de position de Nicolas Sarkozy sur la politique intérieure chinoise qui ont joué.
Lors de cette visite, l'accent est mis sur le nombre de contrats signés entre les deux pays. Ces dernières années, les échanges économiques ont-ils souffert de l'agitation diplomatique ?
La Chine ne mélange pas les genres. La politique extérieure est une chose, le business en est une autre. Ses relations avec le Japon et Taïwan sont diplomatiquement exécrables, mais ces pays restent les premiers partenaires commerciaux des Chinois.
Les relations commerciales franco-chinoises et les chiffres de l'import-export n'ont pas fondamentalement évolué depuis 2008 : la structure des échanges pèse dans ce domaine bien plus que la diplomatie. On peut s'en réjouir, mais aussi le déplorer, car la France est encore loin de pouvoir jouer un rôle important en Chine. La part de marché de la France dans le pays n'est que de 1,2 % ou 1,3 % : c'est très en deçà de ce que l'on représente au niveau mondial (environ 5 %).
Nos exportations se concentrent majoritairement sur les projets industriels de grands groupes. Or, en ce moment, le marché intérieur chinois se modifie avec l'émergence d'une nouvelle classe moyenne et l'apparition d'habitudes dont les entreprises françaises pourraient profiter. Je pense à des biens de consommation sophistiqués où la France a traditionnellement une bonne image (luxe, vins...), mais aussi à d'autres marchés, comme celui de l'automobile, qui sont poussés par ces transformations intérieures.
Mais la concurrence dans ces domaines est rude. Les autres pays européens, les Nord-Américains, les Indiens, les Australiens et bien d'autres sont sur le coup, et les Chinois évitent généralement de mettre tous leurs œufs dans le même panier.
Que penser de la déclaration d'Hu Jintao, qui entend créer un partenariat "d'égal à égal" entre la France et la Chine, pour "assurer (...) un développement sain et régulier des relations, et élargir les échanges commerciaux" ?
Il s'agit d'une marque de courtoisie chinoise, facile à faire lorsqu'on est la locomotive mondiale. La France, pour la Chine, est un partenaire, mais est loin d'être considérée comme une puissance "égale". Surtout lorsque notre situation des finances publiques est calamiteuse et que notre déficit commercial envers la Chine est si élevé [20 milliards d'euros en 2009 selon les douanes françaises].
Dans ce cadre, la France est perçue comme le reste des pays occidentaux, qui cherchent à conserver leur rôle de leaders mondiaux sans en avoir les moyens. La Chine, tout en ayant conscience de sa force de frappe économique, se considère toujours comme un "pays pauvre", au PIB par habitant dix fois moins important que ceux de l'Europe et des Etats-Unis.
Pour elle, donc, la priorité reste de dynamiser la croissance et de conquérir de nouveaux marchés. Et force est de constater que les Chinois attaquent très intelligemment, en appuyant là où ça fait mal. Ils proposent ainsi sans complexe une aide financière à la Grèce et au Portugal, alors que l'Union européenne a mis des mois à se coordonner pour proposer un plan d'aide pour lutter contre la crise de la dette. En contrepartie, les Chinois remportent des marchés stratégiques dans ces pays, par exemple ceux de l'industrie navale en Grèce. "L'égal à égal", dans ce contexte, reste une fois de plus de l'affichage diplomatique.
Marcadores:
China,
Economia e Comércio Internacional,
Europa,
Política e Diplomacia
quarta-feira, 3 de novembro de 2010
Ante la amenaza de paquetes bomba, Grecia suspende el correo aéreo al exterior
Clarín
Grecia suspendió hoy por 48 horas todos los envíos de correo por vía aérea al exterior tras una ola de ataques con paquetes bomba dirigidos a varias embajadas europeas en Atenas y a líderes políticos europeos.
La policía griega sospecha que se enviaron más paquetes al extranjero y trabaja con las fuerzas de seguridad de otros países para localizarlos. Según expertos citados por medios locales, los paquetes tenían un mecanismo casero y muy sencillo de fabricar.
Las alarmas volvieron a saltar hoy en Atenas por la presencia de paquetes sospechosos en una nueva embajada, esta vez la argentina. Pero la policía examinó el paquete y no encontró explosivos.
Las fuerzas de seguridad griegas sospechan que los proyectados atentados fueron obra de grupos clandestinos de extrema izquierda. El lunes y el martes se detectaron varios paquetes explosivos dirigidos a embajadas extranjeras en la capital griega, algunos de los cuales llegaron a explotar, aunque sin dejar heridos.
También se encontró un envío explosivo que llegó a la oficina de la canciller alemana, Angela Merkel. Otro dirigido al primer ministro italiano, Silvio Berlusconi, fue detectado en un vuelo procedente de Atenas. El paquete se incendió cuando fue examinado por la policía.
La policía griega había detenido el lunes a dos sospechosos por cargar dos paquetes bomba, uno de ellos destinado al presidente de Francia, Nicolas Sarkozy.
El primer ministro griego, Giorgos Papandreu, mostró hoy su rechazo a los incidentes. "Los condenamos en los términos más estrictos y rechazamos de forma implacable a quienes intentan con acciones terroristas y violencia dañar la paz social y la imagen del país en el extranjero", señaló.
Grecia suspendió hoy por 48 horas todos los envíos de correo por vía aérea al exterior tras una ola de ataques con paquetes bomba dirigidos a varias embajadas europeas en Atenas y a líderes políticos europeos.
La policía griega sospecha que se enviaron más paquetes al extranjero y trabaja con las fuerzas de seguridad de otros países para localizarlos. Según expertos citados por medios locales, los paquetes tenían un mecanismo casero y muy sencillo de fabricar.
Las alarmas volvieron a saltar hoy en Atenas por la presencia de paquetes sospechosos en una nueva embajada, esta vez la argentina. Pero la policía examinó el paquete y no encontró explosivos.
Las fuerzas de seguridad griegas sospechan que los proyectados atentados fueron obra de grupos clandestinos de extrema izquierda. El lunes y el martes se detectaron varios paquetes explosivos dirigidos a embajadas extranjeras en la capital griega, algunos de los cuales llegaron a explotar, aunque sin dejar heridos.
También se encontró un envío explosivo que llegó a la oficina de la canciller alemana, Angela Merkel. Otro dirigido al primer ministro italiano, Silvio Berlusconi, fue detectado en un vuelo procedente de Atenas. El paquete se incendió cuando fue examinado por la policía.
La policía griega había detenido el lunes a dos sospechosos por cargar dos paquetes bomba, uno de ellos destinado al presidente de Francia, Nicolas Sarkozy.
El primer ministro griego, Giorgos Papandreu, mostró hoy su rechazo a los incidentes. "Los condenamos en los términos más estrictos y rechazamos de forma implacable a quienes intentan con acciones terroristas y violencia dañar la paz social y la imagen del país en el extranjero", señaló.
British Military Expands Links to French Allies
The New York Times
LONDON — Britain and France signed defense agreements on Tuesday that promised cooperation far beyond anything achieved previously in 60 years of NATO cooperation, including the creation of a joint expeditionary force, shared use of aircraft carriers and combined efforts to improve the safety and effectiveness of their nuclear weapons.
The agreements signed in London by Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain and President Nicolas Sarkozy of France were a landmark of another kind for two nations that spent centuries confronting each other on the battlefields of Europe. While neither leader mentioned Agincourt, Trafalgar or Waterloo, or French victories that included the Norman Conquest in 1066, both stirred a brief whiff of the troubled history of Anglo-French relations into the mood of general bonhomie.
The agreements envisaged a new combined force available for deployment at times of international crisis that is expected to involve about 5,000 service members from each nation, with land, sea and air components, and rotating French and British commanders. The pacts also foresee each nation alternating in putting a single aircraft carrier to sea, with the vessels operating as bases for French, British and American aircraft in times of need.
The nuclear agreement was in some ways the most surprising, since it committed the two nations to sharing some of their most carefully kept secrets. Although the two leaders emphasized that France’s “force de frappe” and Britain’s similar, submarine-based ballistic missile force would remain separate and under the sole control of each government, they agreed to establish joint research centers, one in France and one in Britain, to further research on their stockpiles of nuclear warheads.
The cooperation pact was set to last 50 years and could transform the way the countries project force, fight wars and compete for defense contracts with the United States. One goal appeared to be to give the two militaries greater buying power to support the struggling European defense industry.
Mr. Cameron, who has navigated deep hostilities to European integration and deep skepticism toward France in his Conservative Party, emphasized the budgetary benefits, saying the agreements would contribute savings of “millions of pounds” to Britain’s plan to make deep cuts in its $60 billion defense budget.
Previous efforts at military cooperation between the countries have more often faltered than succeeded. In the late 1990s, Tony Blair, then Britain’s prime minister, and Jacques Chirac, then France’s president, promised deeper defense cooperation, but the understanding was undone by differences over the Iraq war. In both countries, there are significant political forces arrayed against anything that smacks of too close a military partnership with the age-old foe.
But after the Cameron government took office in May and began pushing for deep defense savings, it discovered a willing partner in Mr. Sarkozy. Britain and France have the biggest defense budgets in Europe, together accounting for more than half of all military spending in the 27-nation European Union. Both governments took care to say that their new cooperation was not intended to isolate Germany.
The nuclear agreement, carrying faint echoes of Britain’s shared role with the United States in the Manhattan Project, which developed the first atomic bomb, will have the two governments setting up two joint research centers, one in France and the other in Britain.
The two countries also agreed on a shared program on spare parts, maintenance and training for the crews of the Airbus A400M military transport aircraft, a costly, overbudget project intended to challenge American domination of the market for heavy-lift transports. They promised to work together on a new generation of remotely piloted surveillance aircraft.
Also on the list are shared projects to develop technologies for future nuclear submarines and military satellites, as well as countermeasures for mines and other antisubmarine weapons.
The high notes struck by the leaders at their news conference were striking.
“Today we open a new chapter in a long history of cooperation on defense and security between Britain and France,” Mr. Cameron said. Mr. Sarkozy said the agreements showed “a level of trust and confidence between our two nations which is unequalled in history.”
For all that, the shadows of Nelson and Napoleon, of Henry V and Joan of Arc, seemed to hang over the occasion, with both leaders feeling the need to gesture, at least obliquely, to the less generous attitudes that are common among some of their compatriots.
“I would like to say, contrary to what might otherwise seem to be the case, that the clocks in France and Britain strike the same hours, precisely,” Mr. Sarkozy said.
Mr. Cameron said: “It is about defending our national interest. It is about practical, hard-headed cooperation between two sovereign countries.”
One concern about the new agreements that has attracted criticism among British defense experts centers on the shared use of aircraft carriers.
With both countries planning to have only one “flattop” in their fleets, having them configured for each others’ aircraft has been described by the two governments as extending their ability to deploy air power, as well saving large sums. Last month, Britain decided to have its future carrier, due for deployment in 2020, redesigned with the catapult mechanism and arresting gear necessary to accommodate French and American aircraft.
But British critics have said military operations that require carrier-borne aircraft could be compromised if Britain has to rely on France’s allowing its carrier to be used. The example often cited is the 1982 Falklands war, when France opposed Britain’s reconquest of the Falkland Islands in the South Atlantic, and Argentina used French-made missiles to sink British ships.
Mr. Sarkozy described the criticism as outdated. “Can you imagine France sitting in our armed chairs and saying, ‘It is none of our business’ ?” he said.
Likewise, Mr. Cameron rejected suggestions that Britain would undermine its close military relationship with Washington. Mr. Cameron said the Obama administration would welcome the new plans. “They’d like us to have the biggest bang for our buck that we possibly can,” he said.
In France, Marine Le Pen, the vice president of the National Front, a far-right party, called Mr. Sarkozy the “gravedigger of General de Gaulle’s policy of independence.” She went on: “It is clear that the objective of this accord is to shift our defense to Anglo-Saxon control, and obviously everyone will understand that behind Great Britain there is, of course, the American big brother.”
In London, Mr. Cameron was chided by right-wing tabloids for trusting the French with Britain’s security, but his plans received a generally warm reception in Parliament. James Arbuthnot, a former Conservative minister who is the chairman of the House of Commons defense committee, told Mr. Cameron on Monday that he had “forgiven the French for taking off the head of my great-great-great-great grandfather at Trafalgar,” a reference to a captain who died in the great naval battle in 1805. Mr. Cameron said that was just as well, since Mr. Arbuthnot was invited to lunch with Mr. Sarkozy on Tuesday. “It might have been a little bit frosty,” he said.
LONDON — Britain and France signed defense agreements on Tuesday that promised cooperation far beyond anything achieved previously in 60 years of NATO cooperation, including the creation of a joint expeditionary force, shared use of aircraft carriers and combined efforts to improve the safety and effectiveness of their nuclear weapons.
The agreements signed in London by Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain and President Nicolas Sarkozy of France were a landmark of another kind for two nations that spent centuries confronting each other on the battlefields of Europe. While neither leader mentioned Agincourt, Trafalgar or Waterloo, or French victories that included the Norman Conquest in 1066, both stirred a brief whiff of the troubled history of Anglo-French relations into the mood of general bonhomie.
The agreements envisaged a new combined force available for deployment at times of international crisis that is expected to involve about 5,000 service members from each nation, with land, sea and air components, and rotating French and British commanders. The pacts also foresee each nation alternating in putting a single aircraft carrier to sea, with the vessels operating as bases for French, British and American aircraft in times of need.
The nuclear agreement was in some ways the most surprising, since it committed the two nations to sharing some of their most carefully kept secrets. Although the two leaders emphasized that France’s “force de frappe” and Britain’s similar, submarine-based ballistic missile force would remain separate and under the sole control of each government, they agreed to establish joint research centers, one in France and one in Britain, to further research on their stockpiles of nuclear warheads.
The cooperation pact was set to last 50 years and could transform the way the countries project force, fight wars and compete for defense contracts with the United States. One goal appeared to be to give the two militaries greater buying power to support the struggling European defense industry.
Mr. Cameron, who has navigated deep hostilities to European integration and deep skepticism toward France in his Conservative Party, emphasized the budgetary benefits, saying the agreements would contribute savings of “millions of pounds” to Britain’s plan to make deep cuts in its $60 billion defense budget.
Previous efforts at military cooperation between the countries have more often faltered than succeeded. In the late 1990s, Tony Blair, then Britain’s prime minister, and Jacques Chirac, then France’s president, promised deeper defense cooperation, but the understanding was undone by differences over the Iraq war. In both countries, there are significant political forces arrayed against anything that smacks of too close a military partnership with the age-old foe.
But after the Cameron government took office in May and began pushing for deep defense savings, it discovered a willing partner in Mr. Sarkozy. Britain and France have the biggest defense budgets in Europe, together accounting for more than half of all military spending in the 27-nation European Union. Both governments took care to say that their new cooperation was not intended to isolate Germany.
The nuclear agreement, carrying faint echoes of Britain’s shared role with the United States in the Manhattan Project, which developed the first atomic bomb, will have the two governments setting up two joint research centers, one in France and the other in Britain.
The two countries also agreed on a shared program on spare parts, maintenance and training for the crews of the Airbus A400M military transport aircraft, a costly, overbudget project intended to challenge American domination of the market for heavy-lift transports. They promised to work together on a new generation of remotely piloted surveillance aircraft.
Also on the list are shared projects to develop technologies for future nuclear submarines and military satellites, as well as countermeasures for mines and other antisubmarine weapons.
The high notes struck by the leaders at their news conference were striking.
“Today we open a new chapter in a long history of cooperation on defense and security between Britain and France,” Mr. Cameron said. Mr. Sarkozy said the agreements showed “a level of trust and confidence between our two nations which is unequalled in history.”
For all that, the shadows of Nelson and Napoleon, of Henry V and Joan of Arc, seemed to hang over the occasion, with both leaders feeling the need to gesture, at least obliquely, to the less generous attitudes that are common among some of their compatriots.
“I would like to say, contrary to what might otherwise seem to be the case, that the clocks in France and Britain strike the same hours, precisely,” Mr. Sarkozy said.
Mr. Cameron said: “It is about defending our national interest. It is about practical, hard-headed cooperation between two sovereign countries.”
One concern about the new agreements that has attracted criticism among British defense experts centers on the shared use of aircraft carriers.
With both countries planning to have only one “flattop” in their fleets, having them configured for each others’ aircraft has been described by the two governments as extending their ability to deploy air power, as well saving large sums. Last month, Britain decided to have its future carrier, due for deployment in 2020, redesigned with the catapult mechanism and arresting gear necessary to accommodate French and American aircraft.
But British critics have said military operations that require carrier-borne aircraft could be compromised if Britain has to rely on France’s allowing its carrier to be used. The example often cited is the 1982 Falklands war, when France opposed Britain’s reconquest of the Falkland Islands in the South Atlantic, and Argentina used French-made missiles to sink British ships.
Mr. Sarkozy described the criticism as outdated. “Can you imagine France sitting in our armed chairs and saying, ‘It is none of our business’ ?” he said.
Likewise, Mr. Cameron rejected suggestions that Britain would undermine its close military relationship with Washington. Mr. Cameron said the Obama administration would welcome the new plans. “They’d like us to have the biggest bang for our buck that we possibly can,” he said.
In France, Marine Le Pen, the vice president of the National Front, a far-right party, called Mr. Sarkozy the “gravedigger of General de Gaulle’s policy of independence.” She went on: “It is clear that the objective of this accord is to shift our defense to Anglo-Saxon control, and obviously everyone will understand that behind Great Britain there is, of course, the American big brother.”
In London, Mr. Cameron was chided by right-wing tabloids for trusting the French with Britain’s security, but his plans received a generally warm reception in Parliament. James Arbuthnot, a former Conservative minister who is the chairman of the House of Commons defense committee, told Mr. Cameron on Monday that he had “forgiven the French for taking off the head of my great-great-great-great grandfather at Trafalgar,” a reference to a captain who died in the great naval battle in 1805. Mr. Cameron said that was just as well, since Mr. Arbuthnot was invited to lunch with Mr. Sarkozy on Tuesday. “It might have been a little bit frosty,” he said.
Marcadores:
Europa,
Paz e Segurança,
Política e Diplomacia
segunda-feira, 1 de novembro de 2010
França e Reino Unido anunciam cooperação inédita em defesa
Folha de São Paulo
França e Reino Unido devem assinar nesta terça-feira acordos de cooperação em matéria de Defesa de uma abrangência sem precedentes, que preveem a criação de uma força militar conjunta e o uso compartilhado de porta-aviões e laboratórios nucleares.
O primeiro-ministro britânico, David Cameron, e o presidente francês, Nicolas Sarkozy, firmarão dois tratados durante uma reunião em Londres, anunciou a Presidência francesa.
O acordo permitirá a simulação do funcionamento do arsenal nuclear dos dois países, a partir de 2014, em uma instalação conjunta na região da Borgonha.
O novo centro de simulação será construído em uma instalação já existente da Comissão de Energia Atômica (CEA), em Valduc (Côte-d'Or), 45 km a noroeste de Dijon, no centro da França. O centro começará a funcionar em 2014, mas com obras previstas até 2022, informou a Presidência francesa.
A unidade permitirá que cientistas franceses e britânicos "projetem os resultados das ogivas e materiais nucleares" a disposição dos dois Exércitos com o objetivo de garantir "a viabilidade, a segurança e a proteção a longo prazo de nossos arsenais nucleares".
O novo laboratório de Valduc será complementado com um centro de pesquisas franco-britânico na localidade de Aldermaston, no Reino Unido.
COOPERAÇÃO
Esta "cooperação sem precedentes" se fará "respeitando totalmente a independência das forças de cada país", destacou Paris.
França e Reino Unido poderão seguir como atores militares de dimensão internacional, mas adaptados a uma era de rigor orçamentário. Londres e Paris "conservarão o direito de deslocar suas forças armadas de forma independente", destacou um responsável britânico, que pediu para não ser identificado.
Os tratados incluirão a criação de "uma força expedicionária conjunta", com entre 3.500 e 5.000 homens, que deverá iniciar seu treinamento no próximo ano. Esta nova força não será permanente e ficará encarregada de operações específicas, sob comando único.
"Anunciaremos o que chamamos de força expedicionária conjunta, e não uma força militar permanente. É uma conjunção de forças armadas dos dois países que treinam e atuam juntas", disse o funcionário britânico.
Os dois países compartilharão ainda seus porta-aviões, a partir de 2020. A manutenção do novo avião de transporte A400M também será dividida.
Ao comunicar nesta segunda-feira os acordos aos deputados, David Cameron tratou de tranquilizar os "eurocéticos" de seu partido conservador, que temem um abandono de prerrogativas em benefício da União Europeia (UE). O premiê garantiu que o acordo com a França é fruto dos mesmos princípios adotados nas discussões sobre o orçamento e as reformas institucionais da UE.
"O princípio é o mesmo. Associação sim, mas sem perder a soberania".
No domingo, o ministro da Defesa, Liam Fox, justificou a aproximação com a necessidade de se fazer uma "economia importante" em época de austeridade orçamentária, mas garantiu que trata-se de algo puramente bilateral, descartando o início de um "exército europeu que não queremos".
França e Reino Unido devem assinar nesta terça-feira acordos de cooperação em matéria de Defesa de uma abrangência sem precedentes, que preveem a criação de uma força militar conjunta e o uso compartilhado de porta-aviões e laboratórios nucleares.
O primeiro-ministro britânico, David Cameron, e o presidente francês, Nicolas Sarkozy, firmarão dois tratados durante uma reunião em Londres, anunciou a Presidência francesa.
O acordo permitirá a simulação do funcionamento do arsenal nuclear dos dois países, a partir de 2014, em uma instalação conjunta na região da Borgonha.
O novo centro de simulação será construído em uma instalação já existente da Comissão de Energia Atômica (CEA), em Valduc (Côte-d'Or), 45 km a noroeste de Dijon, no centro da França. O centro começará a funcionar em 2014, mas com obras previstas até 2022, informou a Presidência francesa.
A unidade permitirá que cientistas franceses e britânicos "projetem os resultados das ogivas e materiais nucleares" a disposição dos dois Exércitos com o objetivo de garantir "a viabilidade, a segurança e a proteção a longo prazo de nossos arsenais nucleares".
O novo laboratório de Valduc será complementado com um centro de pesquisas franco-britânico na localidade de Aldermaston, no Reino Unido.
COOPERAÇÃO
Esta "cooperação sem precedentes" se fará "respeitando totalmente a independência das forças de cada país", destacou Paris.
França e Reino Unido poderão seguir como atores militares de dimensão internacional, mas adaptados a uma era de rigor orçamentário. Londres e Paris "conservarão o direito de deslocar suas forças armadas de forma independente", destacou um responsável britânico, que pediu para não ser identificado.
Os tratados incluirão a criação de "uma força expedicionária conjunta", com entre 3.500 e 5.000 homens, que deverá iniciar seu treinamento no próximo ano. Esta nova força não será permanente e ficará encarregada de operações específicas, sob comando único.
"Anunciaremos o que chamamos de força expedicionária conjunta, e não uma força militar permanente. É uma conjunção de forças armadas dos dois países que treinam e atuam juntas", disse o funcionário britânico.
Os dois países compartilharão ainda seus porta-aviões, a partir de 2020. A manutenção do novo avião de transporte A400M também será dividida.
Ao comunicar nesta segunda-feira os acordos aos deputados, David Cameron tratou de tranquilizar os "eurocéticos" de seu partido conservador, que temem um abandono de prerrogativas em benefício da União Europeia (UE). O premiê garantiu que o acordo com a França é fruto dos mesmos princípios adotados nas discussões sobre o orçamento e as reformas institucionais da UE.
"O princípio é o mesmo. Associação sim, mas sem perder a soberania".
No domingo, o ministro da Defesa, Liam Fox, justificou a aproximação com a necessidade de se fazer uma "economia importante" em época de austeridade orçamentária, mas garantiu que trata-se de algo puramente bilateral, descartando o início de um "exército europeu que não queremos".
Marcadores:
Europa,
Paz e Segurança,
Política e Diplomacia
Looking for Investments, China Turns Toward Europe
The New York Times
PARIS — When Prime Minister Wen Jiabao of China visited Athens last month, he came bearing gifts: billions of dollars worth of business deals and a wave of favorable attention from a crucial foreign investor.
“The support of our Chinese friends is fortunate for us,” Greece’s minister of state, Haris Pamboukis, said by telephone.
But China had much greater ambitions. Greece is one foothold for China’s broad, strategic push into Europe. It is snapping up assets depressed by the global financial crisis and becoming a significant partner of other hard-hit European nations.
Ultimately, analysts say, Beijing hopes to achieve not just more business for its own companies, but also greater influence over the economic policies set in the power corridors of Brussels and Germany.
“They are indicating a willingness to stick their nose into Europe’s business,” said Carl B. Weinberg, chief United States economist of High Frequency Economics.
“It’s very clever and sends a clear message,” he added, “that China is a force to be contended with.”
That message will be reinforced by a visit this week by China’s president, Hu Jintao, who is scheduled to meet with top officials and business executives of Portugal and France.
Europe’s financial crisis this year has created buying opportunities for cash-rich investors, including secretive hedge funds and Qatar, the natural gas giant of the Persian Gulf that recently agreed to invest $5 billion in Greece. But China is leading the charge. It is singling out Greek, Spanish and other downgraded government debt, as well as ports, highways and industries in troubled countries on Europe’s eastern and southern edges.
Ireland and Hungary, among others, are also competing to lure Chinese investments, in the hopes that they will create thousands of new jobs.
“What is happening is that the Chinese are expanding in Europe as they did in Africa,” said François Godement, a senior policy fellow of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “But in Europe, they’re coming in through countries on the periphery, which is extraordinary.”
China is concentrating its efforts on ports in Greece and Italy and highways that link Eastern Europe to Germany and Turkey, and aims to secure larger infrastructure investments over time. It has provided billions of dollars in state financing for key public works projects that support Chinese state-owned companies and Chinese workers.
Such moves could give China a bigger presence in the European chain of distribution and production, while allowing it to build a track record of investments that it hopes will also encourage Europe to support its position on divisive currency issues and in trade disputes at the World Trade Organization.
During his recent European tour, Mr. Wen reminded politicians in Brussels that China had acted as “a friend” to Greece, Spain, Italy and other troubled European countries in their darkest hour by buying bonds as other investors fled. In return, he admonished regional leaders not to “pressure China on the yuan’s appreciation,” referring to the Chinese currency, formally called the renminbi.
In the past several months, China has pledged to buy Greek bonds when the government starts selling again, and purchased $625 billion in Spanish debt. On his visit, Mr. Wen hailed scores of business deals in Italy and Greece, including one that allows a Chinese state firm to run Greece’s top shipping port — one of the largest European gateways for Chinese goods.
For China, plowing a small but growing share of its more than $2.3 trillion in foreign currency reserves into European investments instead of low-yielding United States Treasury bills helps diversify its portfolio. Beijing also hopes that this kind of push helps reduce the international political pressure to raise the value of its currency.
“It’s not a coincidence that China is doing this,” said Jens Bastian, an economist at the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy. “They have huge currency reserves, and these countries where they are going right now have a dying need for foreign investment.”
While Chinese foreign direct investment in Europe is still small compared with its investments in other regions, it has grown quickly over the past two years. And this spring Europe overtook the United States as China’s largest trading partner.
Struggling Ireland is also looking for a piece of the action, and moves are afoot to create an “investment gateway to Europe” for China in the town of Athlone, which hopes for the creation of thousands of jobs. Prime Minister Brian Cowen of Ireland said in June that China had vowed to be “as helpful as they can to a friend like Ireland in the difficult times that we have.”
The investments also allow Beijing to advance the interests of Chinese companies as they go global. Mr. Wen last month talked up a $4.5 billion credit line that troubled Greek shipbuilders could tap — but almost exclusively to purchase Chinese-made ships. An additional $5 billion is flowing to Greek coffers from China’s state-run Cosco shipping company, which is leasing Piraeus, the port of Athens, to transform it from Europe’s largest passenger port to a much bigger hub for cargo, with aims to more than double traffic to 3.7 million containers in 2015.
In Italy, Cosco is expanding the port of Naples, while HNA, a logistics, transportation and tourism group based in Hainan Province, China, is in talks to build a giant air terminal north of Rome for cargo arriving from China. Mr. Wen pledged an additional $100 billion in trade with Italy through 2015 and heralded 10 business deals between Chinese and Italian businesses.
Some of China’s investments have already raised eyebrows. Last year, China outbid European companies to build a highway in Poland using a Chinese business and workers — with European subsidies — prompting Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany to call for reciprocity.
In the coming decade, Europe will be considering numerous new projects, such as clearing the Danube River of wartime ordnance to use it as a transportation passageway; building railways between countries like Germany and Macedonia; and carving new highways from Germany to Turkey, Mr. Bastian said.
“What Europe lacks is a transportation infrastructure network where Western and Eastern Europe meet,” he said. “This is where China is trying to take advantage of their current buildup.”
Still, for all the fears of ulterior motives on China’s part, many Europeans welcome the investment with open arms. China is mainly interested in promoting trade and making money, said Mr. Pamboukis, the Greek minister of state.
China’s investment strategy in Europe is “discreet and well thought-out,” he said. “I don’t think China is coming in here as a Trojan Horse.”
PARIS — When Prime Minister Wen Jiabao of China visited Athens last month, he came bearing gifts: billions of dollars worth of business deals and a wave of favorable attention from a crucial foreign investor.
“The support of our Chinese friends is fortunate for us,” Greece’s minister of state, Haris Pamboukis, said by telephone.
But China had much greater ambitions. Greece is one foothold for China’s broad, strategic push into Europe. It is snapping up assets depressed by the global financial crisis and becoming a significant partner of other hard-hit European nations.
Ultimately, analysts say, Beijing hopes to achieve not just more business for its own companies, but also greater influence over the economic policies set in the power corridors of Brussels and Germany.
“They are indicating a willingness to stick their nose into Europe’s business,” said Carl B. Weinberg, chief United States economist of High Frequency Economics.
“It’s very clever and sends a clear message,” he added, “that China is a force to be contended with.”
That message will be reinforced by a visit this week by China’s president, Hu Jintao, who is scheduled to meet with top officials and business executives of Portugal and France.
Europe’s financial crisis this year has created buying opportunities for cash-rich investors, including secretive hedge funds and Qatar, the natural gas giant of the Persian Gulf that recently agreed to invest $5 billion in Greece. But China is leading the charge. It is singling out Greek, Spanish and other downgraded government debt, as well as ports, highways and industries in troubled countries on Europe’s eastern and southern edges.
Ireland and Hungary, among others, are also competing to lure Chinese investments, in the hopes that they will create thousands of new jobs.
“What is happening is that the Chinese are expanding in Europe as they did in Africa,” said François Godement, a senior policy fellow of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “But in Europe, they’re coming in through countries on the periphery, which is extraordinary.”
China is concentrating its efforts on ports in Greece and Italy and highways that link Eastern Europe to Germany and Turkey, and aims to secure larger infrastructure investments over time. It has provided billions of dollars in state financing for key public works projects that support Chinese state-owned companies and Chinese workers.
Such moves could give China a bigger presence in the European chain of distribution and production, while allowing it to build a track record of investments that it hopes will also encourage Europe to support its position on divisive currency issues and in trade disputes at the World Trade Organization.
During his recent European tour, Mr. Wen reminded politicians in Brussels that China had acted as “a friend” to Greece, Spain, Italy and other troubled European countries in their darkest hour by buying bonds as other investors fled. In return, he admonished regional leaders not to “pressure China on the yuan’s appreciation,” referring to the Chinese currency, formally called the renminbi.
In the past several months, China has pledged to buy Greek bonds when the government starts selling again, and purchased $625 billion in Spanish debt. On his visit, Mr. Wen hailed scores of business deals in Italy and Greece, including one that allows a Chinese state firm to run Greece’s top shipping port — one of the largest European gateways for Chinese goods.
For China, plowing a small but growing share of its more than $2.3 trillion in foreign currency reserves into European investments instead of low-yielding United States Treasury bills helps diversify its portfolio. Beijing also hopes that this kind of push helps reduce the international political pressure to raise the value of its currency.
“It’s not a coincidence that China is doing this,” said Jens Bastian, an economist at the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy. “They have huge currency reserves, and these countries where they are going right now have a dying need for foreign investment.”
While Chinese foreign direct investment in Europe is still small compared with its investments in other regions, it has grown quickly over the past two years. And this spring Europe overtook the United States as China’s largest trading partner.
Struggling Ireland is also looking for a piece of the action, and moves are afoot to create an “investment gateway to Europe” for China in the town of Athlone, which hopes for the creation of thousands of jobs. Prime Minister Brian Cowen of Ireland said in June that China had vowed to be “as helpful as they can to a friend like Ireland in the difficult times that we have.”
The investments also allow Beijing to advance the interests of Chinese companies as they go global. Mr. Wen last month talked up a $4.5 billion credit line that troubled Greek shipbuilders could tap — but almost exclusively to purchase Chinese-made ships. An additional $5 billion is flowing to Greek coffers from China’s state-run Cosco shipping company, which is leasing Piraeus, the port of Athens, to transform it from Europe’s largest passenger port to a much bigger hub for cargo, with aims to more than double traffic to 3.7 million containers in 2015.
In Italy, Cosco is expanding the port of Naples, while HNA, a logistics, transportation and tourism group based in Hainan Province, China, is in talks to build a giant air terminal north of Rome for cargo arriving from China. Mr. Wen pledged an additional $100 billion in trade with Italy through 2015 and heralded 10 business deals between Chinese and Italian businesses.
Some of China’s investments have already raised eyebrows. Last year, China outbid European companies to build a highway in Poland using a Chinese business and workers — with European subsidies — prompting Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany to call for reciprocity.
In the coming decade, Europe will be considering numerous new projects, such as clearing the Danube River of wartime ordnance to use it as a transportation passageway; building railways between countries like Germany and Macedonia; and carving new highways from Germany to Turkey, Mr. Bastian said.
“What Europe lacks is a transportation infrastructure network where Western and Eastern Europe meet,” he said. “This is where China is trying to take advantage of their current buildup.”
Still, for all the fears of ulterior motives on China’s part, many Europeans welcome the investment with open arms. China is mainly interested in promoting trade and making money, said Mr. Pamboukis, the Greek minister of state.
China’s investment strategy in Europe is “discreet and well thought-out,” he said. “I don’t think China is coming in here as a Trojan Horse.”
Marcadores:
China,
Economia e Comércio Internacional,
Europa,
Política e Diplomacia
sexta-feira, 29 de outubro de 2010
Irã aceita negociar programa nuclear com União Europeia em novembro
O Estado de S. Paulo
BRUXELAS - O governo do Irã respondeu positivamente à proposta da União Europeia (UE) de realizar uma rodada de encontros no mês de novembro com o objetivo de retomar o diálogo sobre seu programa nuclear, informou nesta sexta-feira, 29, a chefe de diplomacia do bloco, Catherine Ashton.
"Recebi uma carta do doutor Said Jalili (principal negociador nuclear iraniano) na qual ele agradece o contato e se diz disposto a iniciar discussões depois do dia 10 de novembro", explicou Catherine em sua chegada à cúpula de chefes de Estado e governo dos 27 membros da UE realizada nesta sexta em Bruxelas.
Há uma semana, a chefe de diplomacia havia proposto a Teerã retomar o diálogo com três dias de reuniões a partir do dia 15 de novembro. Apesar das pressões, o Irã resistia em dar seu parecer, embora se disse pronto para retomar as negociações.
Segundo Catherine, Jalili quer chegar a um acordo sobre datas. Para isso, a UE entrará em contato com as autoridades iranianas para tentar firmar as condições "o mais rápido possível". "Acho que é um movimento muito significativo", assegurou a chefe da diplomacia sobre a disposição de Teerã em negociar.
Desde que assumiu o cargo, em dezembro de 2009, Catherine manifestou disposição para retomar o diálogo sobre o discutido programa nuclear iraniano. Além da UE, neste âmbito ela atua em nome do Grupo 5+1 (EUA, Rússia, China, Reino Unido, França e Alemanha), responsável pela negociação com Teerã sobre o programa nuclear.
As potências ocidentais acusam o Irã de esconder, sob seu programa nuclear civil, outro de natureza clandestina e aplicações bélicas, cujo objetivo seria a aquisição de armas atômicas. Teerã nega tais alegações.
As tensões sobre o programa nuclear iraniano se acirraram no final do ano passado após o Irã rejeitar uma proposta de troca de urânio feita por EUA, Rússia e Reino Unido. Meses depois, o país começou a enriquecer urânio a 20%.
Um acordo mediado por Brasil e Turquia para troca de urânio chegou a ser assinado com o Irã em maio. O acordo, porém, foi rejeitado pelo Grupo de Viena - composto por Rússia, França, EUA e AIEA (Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica) - e o Conselho de Segurança da ONU optou por impor uma quarta rodada de sanções ao país.
BRUXELAS - O governo do Irã respondeu positivamente à proposta da União Europeia (UE) de realizar uma rodada de encontros no mês de novembro com o objetivo de retomar o diálogo sobre seu programa nuclear, informou nesta sexta-feira, 29, a chefe de diplomacia do bloco, Catherine Ashton.
"Recebi uma carta do doutor Said Jalili (principal negociador nuclear iraniano) na qual ele agradece o contato e se diz disposto a iniciar discussões depois do dia 10 de novembro", explicou Catherine em sua chegada à cúpula de chefes de Estado e governo dos 27 membros da UE realizada nesta sexta em Bruxelas.
Há uma semana, a chefe de diplomacia havia proposto a Teerã retomar o diálogo com três dias de reuniões a partir do dia 15 de novembro. Apesar das pressões, o Irã resistia em dar seu parecer, embora se disse pronto para retomar as negociações.
Segundo Catherine, Jalili quer chegar a um acordo sobre datas. Para isso, a UE entrará em contato com as autoridades iranianas para tentar firmar as condições "o mais rápido possível". "Acho que é um movimento muito significativo", assegurou a chefe da diplomacia sobre a disposição de Teerã em negociar.
Desde que assumiu o cargo, em dezembro de 2009, Catherine manifestou disposição para retomar o diálogo sobre o discutido programa nuclear iraniano. Além da UE, neste âmbito ela atua em nome do Grupo 5+1 (EUA, Rússia, China, Reino Unido, França e Alemanha), responsável pela negociação com Teerã sobre o programa nuclear.
As potências ocidentais acusam o Irã de esconder, sob seu programa nuclear civil, outro de natureza clandestina e aplicações bélicas, cujo objetivo seria a aquisição de armas atômicas. Teerã nega tais alegações.
As tensões sobre o programa nuclear iraniano se acirraram no final do ano passado após o Irã rejeitar uma proposta de troca de urânio feita por EUA, Rússia e Reino Unido. Meses depois, o país começou a enriquecer urânio a 20%.
Um acordo mediado por Brasil e Turquia para troca de urânio chegou a ser assinado com o Irã em maio. O acordo, porém, foi rejeitado pelo Grupo de Viena - composto por Rússia, França, EUA e AIEA (Agência Internacional de Energia Atômica) - e o Conselho de Segurança da ONU optou por impor uma quarta rodada de sanções ao país.
"Ha llegado el momento de buscar un acuerdo realista para el Sáhara"
El País
ENTREVISTA: TRINIDAD JIMÉNEZ Ministra de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación
Trinidad Jiménez (Málaga, 1962) se ha subido al despacho de ministra de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación, en la planta 13 del complejo madrileño Torres Ágora, como a un tren en marcha. El lunes se estrenó en Luxemburgo, discutiendo con sus colegas de la UE la política hacia Cuba, y ayer, pocas horas después de recibir a EL PAÍS, voló a Argentina para asistir al funeral de Néstor Kirchner. Contesta segura y sin papeles, como si nunca se hubiera ido de una casa donde fue secretaria de Estado para Iberoamérica de 2006 a 2009; como si no hubiera pasado el último año y medio bregando con la gripe A o la ley antitabaco y los tres últimos meses disputando la batalla por la candidatura socialista a la presidencia de la Comunidad de Madrid, de la que salió derrotada, aunque sin rasguños aparentes.
Pregunta. Si hubiese ganado a Tomás Gómez, hoy no estaría aquí. ¿No hay mal que por bien no venga?
Respuesta. Es verdad que en política no siempre he elegido lo que más me apetece, sino lo que creía que podía ser más útil. Cuando me presenté a las primarias lo hice para ganar. No me hice ningún otro planteamiento, porque tenía que concentrar todo mi esfuerzo en ese objetivo. Lo que no puedo negar es que ser ministra de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación es un gran privilegio, y además una gran responsabilidad.
P. Su nombramiento se ha interpretado como una forma de recompensar su lealtad.
R. Cuando el presidente me llamó, me dijo: "Si no estuviera completamente seguro de que vas a hacer un gran trabajo, nunca te nombraría". Supongo que el principal factor es la confianza en la tarea que pueda desarrollar, pero tampoco entiendo que pueda considerarse un demérito en política ser leal. En un Gobierno y en un partido la lealtad es un factor fundamental.
P. ¿Está superada la Posición Común de la UE sobre Cuba o sigue plenamente vigente?
R. El hecho de que los 27 países hayamos decidido otorgar un mandato a la Alta Representante [Catherine Ashton] para que inicie conversaciones con el Gobierno cubano tiene enorme trascendencia. Es un dato que va más allá de la formalidad de si se mantiene o no la posición.
P. El canciller cubano ha replicado con desdén: "Que no sueñe Europa en normalizar relaciones mientras haya Posición Común".
R. Su pretensión era la derogación de la Posición Común. Como no se logró esa formalidad, mantienen cierto escepticismo. En diplomacia es muy difícil lograr las cosas en un solo paso.
P. ¿Se atreve a poner fecha de caducidad a la Posición Común?
R. Para mí ya ni siquiera cuenta. Desde el momento en que Ashton empiece a negociar, la Posición Común queda en suspenso, congelada. Vamos a ver hasta donde se llega...
P. Cuba ha liberado a 42 presos, pero siguen entre rejas quienes se niegan a venir a España.
R. Hemos defendido que los excarcelados puedan quedarse en Cuba. Y también que quienes han venido a España tengan posibilidad de volver. Por eso es muy importante que conserven sus casas y propiedades.
P. Demostrar que no se cambia cárcel por exilio convencería a los países más escépticos...
R. Todos los países reconocen que algo se está moviendo en La Habana. Todos. Con independencia de que unos crean que el movimiento es más intenso y otros lo consideren un gesto menor. La UE está a la expectativa para ver cuál será el siguiente paso. Igual que La Habana.
P. ¿Extraditará Venezuela al etarra Arturo Cubillas?
R. El Consejo de Ministros ha decidido tramitar su extradición, a petición de la Audiencia Nacional. Veremos cómo reacciona el Gobierno de Caracas. Cubillas tiene la nacionalidad venezolana, por lo que se podría denegar su extradición pero, en virtud del acuerdo bilateral, debería responder de las acusaciones en Venezuela. A partir de ahora, el tema ya no está en manos de la política, sino de la Justicia.
R. Lo que sí está en manos de la política es mantenerlo o no en un cargo de confianza en el Gobierno de Chávez.
R. Estamos trabajando con todos los Gobiernos para que colaboren activamente en la lucha contra ETA. Con Venezuela también. Ya ha habido resultados y vamos a seguir trabajando. Creo que lo más eficaz es mantener una actitud de diálogo permanente, desde el respeto.
P. Moratinos citó el conflicto del Sáhara como un asunto que dejaba pendiente. ¿Vale la pena enfrascarse en él?
R. Hay que intentarlo. Es verdad que hemos suscrito todas las resoluciones de la ONU que hablan del derecho a la autodeterminación del pueblo saharaui pero, para que se haga realidad, tiene que haber un acuerdo entre las partes. Nosotros podemos ayudar, pero ya ha llegado el momento de que las partes se sienten y busquen una solución realista. ¿Cómo se satisface ese derecho? Eso deben decidirlo Marruecos y el Frente Polisario. Me alegro de que hayan decidido mantener conversaciones en Nueva York la próxima semana.
P. ¿España ve bien el plan marroquí de autonomía?
R. España verá bien lo que sea fruto del acuerdo entre las dos partes.
P. La muerte de un adolescente por disparos de la Gendarmería marroquí ha elevado la tensión en la acampada de protesta saharaui cerca de El Aaiún.
R. Hablé con mi homólogo marroquí [Taieb Fassi-Fihri] porque me llamó para felicitarme. Me explicó en qué circunstancias se produjo la muerte de este joven y me dijo que el máximo interés de Marruecos era mantener un diálogo con quienes están en el campamento para evitar un estallido de violencia. Creo que ese diálogo ha dado sus frutos y espero que se pueda hallar una solución.
P. ¿Condena usted lo sucedido?
R. Claro que lamentamos, y así se lo dije al ministro, la muerte de este joven, pero el propio Fassi-Fihri me dijo que iba a ser objeto de una investigación y, hasta que concluya, una mínima prudencia debe imperar a la hora de manifestarme, sobre todo cuando me dio todo tipo de explicaciones sin que yo se las pidiera.
P. ¿Le contó Moratinos cuál fue la causa de la crisis de Melilla durante el pasado verano?
R. Para mí está claro que fue un incidente fronterizo. España y Marruecos mantenemos posiciones muy diferentes sobre Ceuta y Melilla. Para nosotros no hay ninguna duda sobre la soberanía. No es un asunto que forme parte siquiera de nuestras conversaciones bilaterales. Cada uno conoce la posición del otro.
P. ¿Se celebrará finalmente la cumbre de la Unión por el Mediterráneo (UPM), prevista en Barcelona el 21 de noviembre?
R. Espero que sí. Una vez que hemos logrado elegir secretario, encontrar sede... posponer de nuevo la reunión podría interpretarse como que la Unión por el Mediterráneo no consigue arrancar. Es muy importante el conflicto entre israelíes y palestinos y es verdad que la UPM se creó en parte para que los países de la región arropen el proceso de diálogo, pero deberíamos evitar que la política euromediterránea esté condicionada exclusivamente por este asunto. Creo que todos los países, incluidos israelíes y palestinos, estamos buscando una excusa para poder reunirnos. Espero que de aquí al día 21 podamos tener alguna señal positiva.
P. ¿Vendrá Obama?
R. Indudablemente sería un elemento muy positivo, pero aún no podemos aventurar la presencia del presidente Obama.
P. Usted ha llegado a un ministerio cuya cúpula renovó su predecesor en los últimos tres meses. ¿Planea hacer cambios?
R. En función del análisis que haga sobre cuáles son los elementos en los que me gustaría poner mayor énfasis, con el objetivo de reforzar determinadas lineas de trabajo, tomaré las decisiones que tenga que tomar. Pero no voy a tomar una decisión sin un análisis previo.
ENTREVISTA: TRINIDAD JIMÉNEZ Ministra de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación
Trinidad Jiménez (Málaga, 1962) se ha subido al despacho de ministra de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación, en la planta 13 del complejo madrileño Torres Ágora, como a un tren en marcha. El lunes se estrenó en Luxemburgo, discutiendo con sus colegas de la UE la política hacia Cuba, y ayer, pocas horas después de recibir a EL PAÍS, voló a Argentina para asistir al funeral de Néstor Kirchner. Contesta segura y sin papeles, como si nunca se hubiera ido de una casa donde fue secretaria de Estado para Iberoamérica de 2006 a 2009; como si no hubiera pasado el último año y medio bregando con la gripe A o la ley antitabaco y los tres últimos meses disputando la batalla por la candidatura socialista a la presidencia de la Comunidad de Madrid, de la que salió derrotada, aunque sin rasguños aparentes.
Pregunta. Si hubiese ganado a Tomás Gómez, hoy no estaría aquí. ¿No hay mal que por bien no venga?
Respuesta. Es verdad que en política no siempre he elegido lo que más me apetece, sino lo que creía que podía ser más útil. Cuando me presenté a las primarias lo hice para ganar. No me hice ningún otro planteamiento, porque tenía que concentrar todo mi esfuerzo en ese objetivo. Lo que no puedo negar es que ser ministra de Asuntos Exteriores y Cooperación es un gran privilegio, y además una gran responsabilidad.
P. Su nombramiento se ha interpretado como una forma de recompensar su lealtad.
R. Cuando el presidente me llamó, me dijo: "Si no estuviera completamente seguro de que vas a hacer un gran trabajo, nunca te nombraría". Supongo que el principal factor es la confianza en la tarea que pueda desarrollar, pero tampoco entiendo que pueda considerarse un demérito en política ser leal. En un Gobierno y en un partido la lealtad es un factor fundamental.
P. ¿Está superada la Posición Común de la UE sobre Cuba o sigue plenamente vigente?
R. El hecho de que los 27 países hayamos decidido otorgar un mandato a la Alta Representante [Catherine Ashton] para que inicie conversaciones con el Gobierno cubano tiene enorme trascendencia. Es un dato que va más allá de la formalidad de si se mantiene o no la posición.
P. El canciller cubano ha replicado con desdén: "Que no sueñe Europa en normalizar relaciones mientras haya Posición Común".
R. Su pretensión era la derogación de la Posición Común. Como no se logró esa formalidad, mantienen cierto escepticismo. En diplomacia es muy difícil lograr las cosas en un solo paso.
P. ¿Se atreve a poner fecha de caducidad a la Posición Común?
R. Para mí ya ni siquiera cuenta. Desde el momento en que Ashton empiece a negociar, la Posición Común queda en suspenso, congelada. Vamos a ver hasta donde se llega...
P. Cuba ha liberado a 42 presos, pero siguen entre rejas quienes se niegan a venir a España.
R. Hemos defendido que los excarcelados puedan quedarse en Cuba. Y también que quienes han venido a España tengan posibilidad de volver. Por eso es muy importante que conserven sus casas y propiedades.
P. Demostrar que no se cambia cárcel por exilio convencería a los países más escépticos...
R. Todos los países reconocen que algo se está moviendo en La Habana. Todos. Con independencia de que unos crean que el movimiento es más intenso y otros lo consideren un gesto menor. La UE está a la expectativa para ver cuál será el siguiente paso. Igual que La Habana.
P. ¿Extraditará Venezuela al etarra Arturo Cubillas?
R. El Consejo de Ministros ha decidido tramitar su extradición, a petición de la Audiencia Nacional. Veremos cómo reacciona el Gobierno de Caracas. Cubillas tiene la nacionalidad venezolana, por lo que se podría denegar su extradición pero, en virtud del acuerdo bilateral, debería responder de las acusaciones en Venezuela. A partir de ahora, el tema ya no está en manos de la política, sino de la Justicia.
R. Lo que sí está en manos de la política es mantenerlo o no en un cargo de confianza en el Gobierno de Chávez.
R. Estamos trabajando con todos los Gobiernos para que colaboren activamente en la lucha contra ETA. Con Venezuela también. Ya ha habido resultados y vamos a seguir trabajando. Creo que lo más eficaz es mantener una actitud de diálogo permanente, desde el respeto.
P. Moratinos citó el conflicto del Sáhara como un asunto que dejaba pendiente. ¿Vale la pena enfrascarse en él?
R. Hay que intentarlo. Es verdad que hemos suscrito todas las resoluciones de la ONU que hablan del derecho a la autodeterminación del pueblo saharaui pero, para que se haga realidad, tiene que haber un acuerdo entre las partes. Nosotros podemos ayudar, pero ya ha llegado el momento de que las partes se sienten y busquen una solución realista. ¿Cómo se satisface ese derecho? Eso deben decidirlo Marruecos y el Frente Polisario. Me alegro de que hayan decidido mantener conversaciones en Nueva York la próxima semana.
P. ¿España ve bien el plan marroquí de autonomía?
R. España verá bien lo que sea fruto del acuerdo entre las dos partes.
P. La muerte de un adolescente por disparos de la Gendarmería marroquí ha elevado la tensión en la acampada de protesta saharaui cerca de El Aaiún.
R. Hablé con mi homólogo marroquí [Taieb Fassi-Fihri] porque me llamó para felicitarme. Me explicó en qué circunstancias se produjo la muerte de este joven y me dijo que el máximo interés de Marruecos era mantener un diálogo con quienes están en el campamento para evitar un estallido de violencia. Creo que ese diálogo ha dado sus frutos y espero que se pueda hallar una solución.
P. ¿Condena usted lo sucedido?
R. Claro que lamentamos, y así se lo dije al ministro, la muerte de este joven, pero el propio Fassi-Fihri me dijo que iba a ser objeto de una investigación y, hasta que concluya, una mínima prudencia debe imperar a la hora de manifestarme, sobre todo cuando me dio todo tipo de explicaciones sin que yo se las pidiera.
P. ¿Le contó Moratinos cuál fue la causa de la crisis de Melilla durante el pasado verano?
R. Para mí está claro que fue un incidente fronterizo. España y Marruecos mantenemos posiciones muy diferentes sobre Ceuta y Melilla. Para nosotros no hay ninguna duda sobre la soberanía. No es un asunto que forme parte siquiera de nuestras conversaciones bilaterales. Cada uno conoce la posición del otro.
P. ¿Se celebrará finalmente la cumbre de la Unión por el Mediterráneo (UPM), prevista en Barcelona el 21 de noviembre?
R. Espero que sí. Una vez que hemos logrado elegir secretario, encontrar sede... posponer de nuevo la reunión podría interpretarse como que la Unión por el Mediterráneo no consigue arrancar. Es muy importante el conflicto entre israelíes y palestinos y es verdad que la UPM se creó en parte para que los países de la región arropen el proceso de diálogo, pero deberíamos evitar que la política euromediterránea esté condicionada exclusivamente por este asunto. Creo que todos los países, incluidos israelíes y palestinos, estamos buscando una excusa para poder reunirnos. Espero que de aquí al día 21 podamos tener alguna señal positiva.
P. ¿Vendrá Obama?
R. Indudablemente sería un elemento muy positivo, pero aún no podemos aventurar la presencia del presidente Obama.
P. Usted ha llegado a un ministerio cuya cúpula renovó su predecesor en los últimos tres meses. ¿Planea hacer cambios?
R. En función del análisis que haga sobre cuáles son los elementos en los que me gustaría poner mayor énfasis, con el objetivo de reforzar determinadas lineas de trabajo, tomaré las decisiones que tenga que tomar. Pero no voy a tomar una decisión sin un análisis previo.
Marcadores:
África,
Europa,
Política e Diplomacia
quinta-feira, 28 de outubro de 2010
E.U. rules let Iran import, export oil, creating possible split from U.S. policy
The Washington Post
TEHRAN - The United States and Europe have worked cooperatively on Iran policy since President Obama took office, but a small crack might have begun to open over sanctions that are beginning to pinch ordinary Iranians.
The European Union issued regulations this week that went well beyond a U.N. Security Council resolution passed in June, outlining tough restrictions on the sale of equipment and technology to the Iranian oil and gas industry, as well as on investment in those sectors. But the regulations - unlike legislation passed by the U.S. Congress - allow for the import and export of oil and gas to the Islamic republic.
"If you want to send a tanker filled with refined petrol to Iran, and you have proved that you are not carrying any other goods that we deem illegal, Europe has no problem," said a European official who specializes in sanction policies and spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the subject. "We don't want any negative effect on the Iranian population or to deprive them of energy, so we do not follow U.S. measures that go beyond United Nations sanctions."
The E.U. will also permit financial transactions needed to import of oil and gas to Iran. The United States, by contrast, penalizes companies if they sell gasoline to Iran, and has increased pressure on international oil companies and refineries to cancel their contracts with the country.
The practical effect of the European action might be minimal because European oil giants might still refuse to supply Iran with fuel for fear of appearing to thwart U.S. sanctions.
U.S. officials said Wednesday that they were broadly pleased with the European regulations, which they said could devastate Iran's oil and gas industry. "We are going at the supply, while they are going at the back end," said a senior administration official who handles the Iran portfolio. "We have had the kind of cooperation and coordination with the Europeans that has been unprecedented."
The U.S. official said he had never heard any concerns raised by his European interlocutors about the effect of the sanctions on ordinary Iranians. "The regulations turned out to be pretty solid," he said. "At each stage, when they have faced a choice between going soft or going heavy, they have gone heavy."
U.S. officials have in the past said that if the increased pressure is hurting ordinary Iranians, they should blame their leaders for the Islamic republic's increasing isolation.
But E.U. officials said Wednesday that they specifically allowed fuel sales to ease the burden on average Iranians.
According to June statistics, Iran needs to import 4.7 million gallons of refined petroleum each day because of the country's low refining capacity. After U.S. sanctions were implemented in July, Iranian leaders announced that they had started an emergency plan to increase local production by mixing oil with high-octane products.
At several European airports, planes belonging to Iran's national carrier, Iran Air, are being refused refueling services by representatives of major oil companies. According to the European Union, there is no legal basis for denying the airline services.
Iran Air has been able to refuel at only three European airports since a Sept. 30 agreement among the State Department and European oil firms Total of France, Statoil of Norway, Eni of Italy and Royal Dutch Shell of Britain and the Netherlands.
They pledged to end their investments in Iran and avoid new activity in the country's energy sector. In turn, U.S. officials said, the companies would be protected from possible U.S. penalties for doing business with Iran.
"We have complained to the U.S. about the extraterritorial effects of their measures on European companies," the European official said. "If those companies submit to U.S. wishes, it is their decision, but we are against these policies. This is a major issue for us."
There have been complaints in the European parliament over U.S. pressure on E.U. companies regarding Iran.
"If Europe accepts U.S. interference through pressure on its businesses, it is giving up independence," said Marietje Schaake, an influential parliament member who represents a liberal party. "The influence of U.S. interference beyond our own sanctions harms the E.U.'s credibility as a global player.
TEHRAN - The United States and Europe have worked cooperatively on Iran policy since President Obama took office, but a small crack might have begun to open over sanctions that are beginning to pinch ordinary Iranians.
The European Union issued regulations this week that went well beyond a U.N. Security Council resolution passed in June, outlining tough restrictions on the sale of equipment and technology to the Iranian oil and gas industry, as well as on investment in those sectors. But the regulations - unlike legislation passed by the U.S. Congress - allow for the import and export of oil and gas to the Islamic republic.
"If you want to send a tanker filled with refined petrol to Iran, and you have proved that you are not carrying any other goods that we deem illegal, Europe has no problem," said a European official who specializes in sanction policies and spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the subject. "We don't want any negative effect on the Iranian population or to deprive them of energy, so we do not follow U.S. measures that go beyond United Nations sanctions."
The E.U. will also permit financial transactions needed to import of oil and gas to Iran. The United States, by contrast, penalizes companies if they sell gasoline to Iran, and has increased pressure on international oil companies and refineries to cancel their contracts with the country.
The practical effect of the European action might be minimal because European oil giants might still refuse to supply Iran with fuel for fear of appearing to thwart U.S. sanctions.
U.S. officials said Wednesday that they were broadly pleased with the European regulations, which they said could devastate Iran's oil and gas industry. "We are going at the supply, while they are going at the back end," said a senior administration official who handles the Iran portfolio. "We have had the kind of cooperation and coordination with the Europeans that has been unprecedented."
The U.S. official said he had never heard any concerns raised by his European interlocutors about the effect of the sanctions on ordinary Iranians. "The regulations turned out to be pretty solid," he said. "At each stage, when they have faced a choice between going soft or going heavy, they have gone heavy."
U.S. officials have in the past said that if the increased pressure is hurting ordinary Iranians, they should blame their leaders for the Islamic republic's increasing isolation.
But E.U. officials said Wednesday that they specifically allowed fuel sales to ease the burden on average Iranians.
According to June statistics, Iran needs to import 4.7 million gallons of refined petroleum each day because of the country's low refining capacity. After U.S. sanctions were implemented in July, Iranian leaders announced that they had started an emergency plan to increase local production by mixing oil with high-octane products.
At several European airports, planes belonging to Iran's national carrier, Iran Air, are being refused refueling services by representatives of major oil companies. According to the European Union, there is no legal basis for denying the airline services.
Iran Air has been able to refuel at only three European airports since a Sept. 30 agreement among the State Department and European oil firms Total of France, Statoil of Norway, Eni of Italy and Royal Dutch Shell of Britain and the Netherlands.
They pledged to end their investments in Iran and avoid new activity in the country's energy sector. In turn, U.S. officials said, the companies would be protected from possible U.S. penalties for doing business with Iran.
"We have complained to the U.S. about the extraterritorial effects of their measures on European companies," the European official said. "If those companies submit to U.S. wishes, it is their decision, but we are against these policies. This is a major issue for us."
There have been complaints in the European parliament over U.S. pressure on E.U. companies regarding Iran.
"If Europe accepts U.S. interference through pressure on its businesses, it is giving up independence," said Marietje Schaake, an influential parliament member who represents a liberal party. "The influence of U.S. interference beyond our own sanctions harms the E.U.'s credibility as a global player.
terça-feira, 26 de outubro de 2010
República Tcheca concede asilo a ex-preso político cubano
Folha de São Paulo
A República Tcheca, ex-comunista e forte partidário da oposição em Cuba, concedeu asilo a um ex-prisioneiro político da ilha que chegou a Praga nesta terça-feira, informou o Ministério das Relações Exteriores.
Rolando Jiménez Posada, ex-soldado e advogado de 40 anos, foi preso em abril de 2003 por pregar cartazes contra o governo e revelar segredos de Estado. Foi sentenciado a 12 anos de prisão.
As autoridades cubanas deram início à libertação de presos políticos no início do segundo semestre deste ano, depois de manter um diálogo com a Igreja Católica. Desde então, 47 homens receberam asilo na Espanha.
O acordo busca parcialmente melhorar as relações de Havana com a União Europeia.
Os tchecos foram por muito tempo os críticos mais expressivos de Cuba no bloco de 27 nações e há anos bloquearam os esforços liderados pela Espanha para criar laços mais próximos entre a União Europeia e o Estado comunista.
Jiménez foi libertado na quinta-feira passada.
"Antes de embarcar no avião da Iberia, não podia acreditar que estivesse acontecendo", disse ele depois de a aeronave pousar em Praga, segundo a agência de notícias CTK.
Os tchecos também deram asilo a quatro familiares de Jiménez.
"É um sinal de apoio que a República Tcheca dá à luta pelos direitos humanos", disse à Reuters o chanceler tcheco, Karel Schwarzenberg.
"Os direitos humanos são a prioridade da política exterior tcheca e os apoiaremos onde sejam violados", declarou.
Praga disse estar preparada para dar asilo político a dez presos políticos cubanos.
Jiménez não estava entre os 52 opositores presos sob a chamada Primavera Negra cubana, em março de 2003, dos quais 39 foram libertados anteriormente neste ano com a mediação da Igreja Católica.
Além deste grupo, o governo cubano libertou ou planeja libertar mais oito presos políticos, entre eles Jiménez, segundo a Igreja.
A República Tcheca, ex-comunista e forte partidário da oposição em Cuba, concedeu asilo a um ex-prisioneiro político da ilha que chegou a Praga nesta terça-feira, informou o Ministério das Relações Exteriores.
Rolando Jiménez Posada, ex-soldado e advogado de 40 anos, foi preso em abril de 2003 por pregar cartazes contra o governo e revelar segredos de Estado. Foi sentenciado a 12 anos de prisão.
As autoridades cubanas deram início à libertação de presos políticos no início do segundo semestre deste ano, depois de manter um diálogo com a Igreja Católica. Desde então, 47 homens receberam asilo na Espanha.
O acordo busca parcialmente melhorar as relações de Havana com a União Europeia.
Os tchecos foram por muito tempo os críticos mais expressivos de Cuba no bloco de 27 nações e há anos bloquearam os esforços liderados pela Espanha para criar laços mais próximos entre a União Europeia e o Estado comunista.
Jiménez foi libertado na quinta-feira passada.
"Antes de embarcar no avião da Iberia, não podia acreditar que estivesse acontecendo", disse ele depois de a aeronave pousar em Praga, segundo a agência de notícias CTK.
Os tchecos também deram asilo a quatro familiares de Jiménez.
"É um sinal de apoio que a República Tcheca dá à luta pelos direitos humanos", disse à Reuters o chanceler tcheco, Karel Schwarzenberg.
"Os direitos humanos são a prioridade da política exterior tcheca e os apoiaremos onde sejam violados", declarou.
Praga disse estar preparada para dar asilo político a dez presos políticos cubanos.
Jiménez não estava entre os 52 opositores presos sob a chamada Primavera Negra cubana, em março de 2003, dos quais 39 foram libertados anteriormente neste ano com a mediação da Igreja Católica.
Além deste grupo, o governo cubano libertou ou planeja libertar mais oito presos políticos, entre eles Jiménez, segundo a Igreja.
Marcadores:
América Latina e Caribe,
Direito Internacional,
Europa,
Política e Diplomacia
La Unión Europea analizará suavizar su política hacia Cuba
Clarín
La Unión Europea decidió ayer sondear la posibilidad de ablandar su posición hacia Cuba y encargó a su “ministra” de Exteriores, Catherine Ashton, que estudie cómo mejorar las relaciones con el régimen castrista. A petición española, Bruselas se dio dos meses para ver si puede reexaminar su “posición común” , que marca las relaciones con La Habana desde 1996, tras las liberaciones de presos políticos que está llevando a cabo el gobierno de Raúl Castro.
La diplomacia española apostó porque los cancilleres del bloque europeo reconsideraran la “posición común”, pero sólo consiguió ese limitado avance. La UE intenta desde 2008 un diálogo político con Cuba que por ahora tiene limitados efectos y no es suficiente para muchos países europeos, que piden la democratización de la isla.
Ashton, que deberá presentar en diciembre un informe sobre los progresos que haga en estos dos meses tras mantener contactos con las autoridades castristas, celebró la última liberación de presos cubanos. Cuba lo anunció el mismo día que el Parlamento Europeo concedía el premio Sajarov a la “libertad de conciencia” al disidente cubano Guillermo Fariñas, quien había hecho una huelga de hambre para pedir esas liberaciones.
En la UE hay dos posturas sobre cómo relacionarse con Cuba . De un lado, España casi en solitario intenta mejorar las relaciones. Del otro, países como Alemania, Francia Suecia y Polonia, exigen la democratización de la isla antes de que Bruselas pueda normalizar sus relaciones con ella. Cuba ha liberado en pocos meses a 42 presos políticos tras la mediación de la Iglesia católica cubana.
La nueva ministra de Exteriores española, Trinidad Jiménez –quien estrenó ayer su cargo ante sus pares de la UE en Luxembrugo– les pidió que tuvieran en cuenta los pasos que está dando La Habana, como la apertura a la iniciativa privada en ciertos sectores económicos. Según Jiménez, “si Cuba ha dado alguna señal”, la UE también debe hacerlo para “afianzar el proceso de reformas”.
Para cambiar la “posición común” tiene que haber unanimidad de los 27 cancilleres europeos. España ha marcado durante décadas la política europea hacia la isla. Tras su victoria electoral en 1996, José María Aznar consiguió que sus socios europeos endurecieran la postura del bloque hacia Cuba.
Aznar exigió sanciones en 2003 por los fusilamientos y encarcelamientos en La Habana . Y José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero en 2005 abogó por levantar esas sanciones. Bruselas fue aceptando las propuestas españolas. Hasta que los países de Europa del Este, tras su entrada en la UE en 2004, se negaron a aceptar buenas relaciones con un régimen comunista.
La Unión Europea decidió ayer sondear la posibilidad de ablandar su posición hacia Cuba y encargó a su “ministra” de Exteriores, Catherine Ashton, que estudie cómo mejorar las relaciones con el régimen castrista. A petición española, Bruselas se dio dos meses para ver si puede reexaminar su “posición común” , que marca las relaciones con La Habana desde 1996, tras las liberaciones de presos políticos que está llevando a cabo el gobierno de Raúl Castro.
La diplomacia española apostó porque los cancilleres del bloque europeo reconsideraran la “posición común”, pero sólo consiguió ese limitado avance. La UE intenta desde 2008 un diálogo político con Cuba que por ahora tiene limitados efectos y no es suficiente para muchos países europeos, que piden la democratización de la isla.
Ashton, que deberá presentar en diciembre un informe sobre los progresos que haga en estos dos meses tras mantener contactos con las autoridades castristas, celebró la última liberación de presos cubanos. Cuba lo anunció el mismo día que el Parlamento Europeo concedía el premio Sajarov a la “libertad de conciencia” al disidente cubano Guillermo Fariñas, quien había hecho una huelga de hambre para pedir esas liberaciones.
En la UE hay dos posturas sobre cómo relacionarse con Cuba . De un lado, España casi en solitario intenta mejorar las relaciones. Del otro, países como Alemania, Francia Suecia y Polonia, exigen la democratización de la isla antes de que Bruselas pueda normalizar sus relaciones con ella. Cuba ha liberado en pocos meses a 42 presos políticos tras la mediación de la Iglesia católica cubana.
La nueva ministra de Exteriores española, Trinidad Jiménez –quien estrenó ayer su cargo ante sus pares de la UE en Luxembrugo– les pidió que tuvieran en cuenta los pasos que está dando La Habana, como la apertura a la iniciativa privada en ciertos sectores económicos. Según Jiménez, “si Cuba ha dado alguna señal”, la UE también debe hacerlo para “afianzar el proceso de reformas”.
Para cambiar la “posición común” tiene que haber unanimidad de los 27 cancilleres europeos. España ha marcado durante décadas la política europea hacia la isla. Tras su victoria electoral en 1996, José María Aznar consiguió que sus socios europeos endurecieran la postura del bloque hacia Cuba.
Aznar exigió sanciones en 2003 por los fusilamientos y encarcelamientos en La Habana . Y José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero en 2005 abogó por levantar esas sanciones. Bruselas fue aceptando las propuestas españolas. Hasta que los países de Europa del Este, tras su entrada en la UE en 2004, se negaron a aceptar buenas relaciones con un régimen comunista.
Serbia Moves Closer to Joining E.U.
The New York Times
LUXEMBOURG — Serbia took a significant step toward membership in the European Union on Monday, despite the union’s suspicions that the country could do more to bring Europe’s most-wanted war crimes suspect to justice.
At a meeting here on Monday, foreign ministers from the 27-nation bloc decided to open Serbia’s path to membership, overriding objections from those who want to keep pressure on the government in Belgrade to help arrest Ratko Mladic, a former Bosnian Serb general accused of genocide.
At the insistence of the Netherlands — which has consistently put a brake on Serbia’s push for membership — the union’s decision included a statement that future steps would be approved only if all member countries agreed that Belgrade was cooperating fully with war crime investigations.
Nevertheless, the decision to ask the European Commission to prepare a formal assessment of Serbia’s suitability for membership is an important symbolic moment for Serbia, though there remains a considerable distance from even starting talks on actual membership. And Serbia’s ambitions to join the bloc will remain complicated and politically sensitive as long as Mr. Mladic is at large.
United Nations war crimes prosecutors allege that Mr. Mladic was the chief planner and organizer of the massacre at Srebrenica in 1995, which led to the deaths of 8,000 Muslim men and boys, Europe’s worst incident of mass murder since World War II.
An investigation by The New York Times and The International Herald Tribune published last week reported that after 15 years on the run, Mr. Mladic was being hidden by no more than a handful of loyalists, probably in a neighborhood of Communist-era public housing in Belgrade.
Asked whether the Serbian authorities were really looking for Mr. Mladic, the chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, Serge Brammertz, gave an equivocal response: “It is difficult for me to answer this question.”
Monday’s decision reflects the desire of almost all European Union nations to show flexibility toward Serbia to try to bring stability to the Balkans. Anchoring the Serbs within the process of European integration is seen by many as the best method of guaranteeing peace in the region. Serbia formally applied for membership last December, but even with the most positive outcome, its membership is many years away.
Western capitals have recently viewed the attitude of the government in Belgrade as being more constructive over the status of Kosovo, its former province.
Speaking in Luxembourg, Pierre Lellouche, France’s minister for Europe, said that “the Serbian government had made considerable efforts over Kosovo, which is very difficult and very complex.”
The bloc’s statement on Monday was well balanced, he added. A positive signal had been sent to the Serbian government but future progress toward membership was conditional, Mr. Lellouche said.
In September, Serbia supported a compromise United Nations resolution on Kosovo that dropped its earlier demands to reopen talks on the status of its former province. That followed a ruling in July by the International Court of Justice in The Hague that Kosovo did not violate international law when it declared independence.
The European Union is hoping to foster direct talks between Serb and Kosovo officials on practical cooperation, discussions that could take place before the end of the year.
Analysts said the decision on Monday also reflected the delicate balancing act facing the union and the need to give some encouragement to the government of President Boris Tadic, which has struck a pro-European stance in Serbia.
“I think there really was no other choice for the E.U.,” said Gerald Knaus, director of the European Stability Initiative, a Berlin-based research organization.
A formal study on Serbia’s membership application is a prerequisite for starting negotiations on membership, but it does not guarantee that talks will begin. Even if the European Commission’s advice were positive, member nations would still have another chance to block negotiations.
The Netherlands has consistently tried to slow the process, and the Dutch Parliament has been critical of concessions to Belgrade. That is because of the unwitting role of the Netherlands in the massacre at Srebrenica, where lightly armed Dutch peacekeepers failed to prevent the slaughter.
The Dutch capital, the Hague, is home to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the United Nations court that has tried those held responsible for atrocities committed in the conflict.
“I think the conclusions were balanced,” said Uri Rosenthal, the Dutch Foreign Minister, speaking in Luxembourg. “They were tough. That is what we actually wanted to achieve and we achieved it. So I am happy with the result.”
The Serbian deputy prime minister, Bozidar Djelic, said his country was determined to track down Mr. Mladic. “If we find him today, we will arrest him today,” he said.
But some advocacy groups were disappointed.
“The European Union should not give in to Serbia’s half-hearted cooperation with The Hague,” Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch, said in a statement. “The E.U. needs to go beyond lip service to accountability, or the victims of Srebrenica will never get the justice they deserve.”
Slovenia, which was admitted to the European Union in 2004, is the only former Yugoslav republic to have joined the bloc, though Croatia is likely to be accepted within a few years.
LUXEMBOURG — Serbia took a significant step toward membership in the European Union on Monday, despite the union’s suspicions that the country could do more to bring Europe’s most-wanted war crimes suspect to justice.
At a meeting here on Monday, foreign ministers from the 27-nation bloc decided to open Serbia’s path to membership, overriding objections from those who want to keep pressure on the government in Belgrade to help arrest Ratko Mladic, a former Bosnian Serb general accused of genocide.
At the insistence of the Netherlands — which has consistently put a brake on Serbia’s push for membership — the union’s decision included a statement that future steps would be approved only if all member countries agreed that Belgrade was cooperating fully with war crime investigations.
Nevertheless, the decision to ask the European Commission to prepare a formal assessment of Serbia’s suitability for membership is an important symbolic moment for Serbia, though there remains a considerable distance from even starting talks on actual membership. And Serbia’s ambitions to join the bloc will remain complicated and politically sensitive as long as Mr. Mladic is at large.
United Nations war crimes prosecutors allege that Mr. Mladic was the chief planner and organizer of the massacre at Srebrenica in 1995, which led to the deaths of 8,000 Muslim men and boys, Europe’s worst incident of mass murder since World War II.
An investigation by The New York Times and The International Herald Tribune published last week reported that after 15 years on the run, Mr. Mladic was being hidden by no more than a handful of loyalists, probably in a neighborhood of Communist-era public housing in Belgrade.
Asked whether the Serbian authorities were really looking for Mr. Mladic, the chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, Serge Brammertz, gave an equivocal response: “It is difficult for me to answer this question.”
Monday’s decision reflects the desire of almost all European Union nations to show flexibility toward Serbia to try to bring stability to the Balkans. Anchoring the Serbs within the process of European integration is seen by many as the best method of guaranteeing peace in the region. Serbia formally applied for membership last December, but even with the most positive outcome, its membership is many years away.
Western capitals have recently viewed the attitude of the government in Belgrade as being more constructive over the status of Kosovo, its former province.
Speaking in Luxembourg, Pierre Lellouche, France’s minister for Europe, said that “the Serbian government had made considerable efforts over Kosovo, which is very difficult and very complex.”
The bloc’s statement on Monday was well balanced, he added. A positive signal had been sent to the Serbian government but future progress toward membership was conditional, Mr. Lellouche said.
In September, Serbia supported a compromise United Nations resolution on Kosovo that dropped its earlier demands to reopen talks on the status of its former province. That followed a ruling in July by the International Court of Justice in The Hague that Kosovo did not violate international law when it declared independence.
The European Union is hoping to foster direct talks between Serb and Kosovo officials on practical cooperation, discussions that could take place before the end of the year.
Analysts said the decision on Monday also reflected the delicate balancing act facing the union and the need to give some encouragement to the government of President Boris Tadic, which has struck a pro-European stance in Serbia.
“I think there really was no other choice for the E.U.,” said Gerald Knaus, director of the European Stability Initiative, a Berlin-based research organization.
A formal study on Serbia’s membership application is a prerequisite for starting negotiations on membership, but it does not guarantee that talks will begin. Even if the European Commission’s advice were positive, member nations would still have another chance to block negotiations.
The Netherlands has consistently tried to slow the process, and the Dutch Parliament has been critical of concessions to Belgrade. That is because of the unwitting role of the Netherlands in the massacre at Srebrenica, where lightly armed Dutch peacekeepers failed to prevent the slaughter.
The Dutch capital, the Hague, is home to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the United Nations court that has tried those held responsible for atrocities committed in the conflict.
“I think the conclusions were balanced,” said Uri Rosenthal, the Dutch Foreign Minister, speaking in Luxembourg. “They were tough. That is what we actually wanted to achieve and we achieved it. So I am happy with the result.”
The Serbian deputy prime minister, Bozidar Djelic, said his country was determined to track down Mr. Mladic. “If we find him today, we will arrest him today,” he said.
But some advocacy groups were disappointed.
“The European Union should not give in to Serbia’s half-hearted cooperation with The Hague,” Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch, said in a statement. “The E.U. needs to go beyond lip service to accountability, or the victims of Srebrenica will never get the justice they deserve.”
Slovenia, which was admitted to the European Union in 2004, is the only former Yugoslav republic to have joined the bloc, though Croatia is likely to be accepted within a few years.
Marcadores:
Economia e Comércio Internacional,
Europa,
Política e Diplomacia
sexta-feira, 22 de outubro de 2010
French Senate OKs retirement reform in tense vote
The Washington Post
PARIS -- The French Senate, pushed into an early vote, approved on Friday a hotly contested bill raising the retirement age to 62, hours after riot police forced the reopening of a strategic refinery to help halt growing fuel shortages amid nationwide strikes and protests.
In tense balloting after 140 hours of debate, the Senate voted 177-153 for the pension reform. The measure is expected to win final formal approval by both houses of parliament next week.
President Nicolas Sarkozy's conservative government, keen to get the measure passed and quell increasingly radicalized protests, cut short the debate and voting process using a special procedure. Critics on the left dubbed the use of Article 44-3 of the Constitution a denial of democracy.
The tough stance by the government extended to strikes as French riot police forced a strategic refinery to reopen Friday, aiming to halt growing fuel shortages that have emptied gas pumps around the country and risked hurting industry.
The refinery at Grandpuits had been a bastion of resistance to President Nicolas Sarkozy's bid to raise the retirement age to 62. Despite the government's efforts to conquer union resistance, the prime minister said it will take several more days to end gasoline shortages that are taking a toll on France's economy.
The Senate debate lasted three weeks before it was short-circuited. Legislators - mostly opposition Socialists - submitted a staggering 1,237 amendments, but Sarkozy's conservative UMP party and its allies have a majority and dismissed nearly all of them.
The text now goes to a committee of seven senators and lower house lawmakers Monday who will try to reach agreement on differences before returning the bill to both houses for a final vote sometime next week.
Unions oppose a pillar of the reform - raising the retirement age from 60 to 62 - and have staged months of strikes and protests that have boiled over into radical action and scattered clashes.
Sarkozy had ordered regional authorities to intervene and force open depots, accusing the strikers of holding ordinary people and the French economy "hostage."
The Interior Ministry said the operation at the Grandpuits fuel refinery succeeded "without incident," but the CGT union claimed three workers were injured. Emergency workers brought stretchers to the depot, located 50 miles (80 kilometers) east of Paris, the closest source of gasoline supplies to the French capital.
Helmeted officers in body armor descended overnight on Grandpuits, confronting workers who shoved back and shouted union slogans as they sought to keep police from opening the gates to the depot, which is run by oil giant Total SA.
"We are outraged, scandalized," said Charles Foulard, a union leader at the Grandpuits depot.
Workers have been camped in front of the site for 10 days, blocking access and contributing to widespread fuel shortages. As of Friday, about 20 percent of France's service stations were still empty, down from 40 percent a few days ago.
Sarkozy says overhauling the money-losing pension system is vital to ensuring that future generations receive any pensions at all. It's a choice many European governments are facing as populations live longer and government debts soar.
But French unions say retirement at 60 is a hard-earned right, and claim the working class will be unfairly punished by the pension reform. They also fear this is just the first step in dismantling an entire network of benefits that make France an enviable place to work and live.
Police also broke a picket line early Friday at a fuel depot in Grand Quevilly in western France. Police forced it open earlier this week, but defiant protesters had blocked it again Thursday.
Prime Minister Francois Fillon convened oil industry executives Friday to look at the country's lagging fuel supplies, and said it will take "several more days" for a return to normal.
The head of the national petroleum industry body, Jean-Louis Schilansky, says it is struggling to import fuel to make up for the shortfall, because strikers are also blockading two key oil terminals, in Le Havre and Marseille. Dozens of tankers remained anchored in the waters off Marseille, unable to unload.
"The problem isn't so much finding the oil, it is getting it in to the country," he told journalists. "If the depots and refineries remain blocked, we will not make it."
Schilansky insisted, however, that France has weeks or months of fuel reserves. The government has ordered oil companies to pool fuel to make sure gas stations are stocked, particularly this weekend as nationwide school vacations begin.
Paris taxi driver Jerome Nourry resorted to getting gas in neighboring Belgium.
"We have to be inventive. I drove a customer to Belgium yesterday, so I took advantage to put some gas in a container," he said in Paris on Friday. "We do what we can, in order to be able to work."
The gas shortages and other disruptions have hit many sectors of the economy, and Global Equities' head economist Marc Touati said it could wipe out between 0.1 and 0.2 percentage points of economic growth.
The government predicts economic growth of 2 percent next year, after 1.5 percent in 2010.
Unions blame the government for letting tensions build so high, and announced two more days of protest nationwide, next week and the week after.
Violence around student protests have added a new dimension to the volatile mix.
Police vans and water cannon trucks stood ready Friday in Lyon, where city workers cleaned up scattered glass from rampages the day before. Police used tear gas and water cannon against youths hurling bottles and overturning cars.
"It is not troublemakers who will have the last word in a democracy," Sarkozy told officials in central France, promising to find and punish rioters.
The protests even forced Lady Gaga to cancel her Paris pop concerts.
PARIS -- The French Senate, pushed into an early vote, approved on Friday a hotly contested bill raising the retirement age to 62, hours after riot police forced the reopening of a strategic refinery to help halt growing fuel shortages amid nationwide strikes and protests.
In tense balloting after 140 hours of debate, the Senate voted 177-153 for the pension reform. The measure is expected to win final formal approval by both houses of parliament next week.
President Nicolas Sarkozy's conservative government, keen to get the measure passed and quell increasingly radicalized protests, cut short the debate and voting process using a special procedure. Critics on the left dubbed the use of Article 44-3 of the Constitution a denial of democracy.
The tough stance by the government extended to strikes as French riot police forced a strategic refinery to reopen Friday, aiming to halt growing fuel shortages that have emptied gas pumps around the country and risked hurting industry.
The refinery at Grandpuits had been a bastion of resistance to President Nicolas Sarkozy's bid to raise the retirement age to 62. Despite the government's efforts to conquer union resistance, the prime minister said it will take several more days to end gasoline shortages that are taking a toll on France's economy.
The Senate debate lasted three weeks before it was short-circuited. Legislators - mostly opposition Socialists - submitted a staggering 1,237 amendments, but Sarkozy's conservative UMP party and its allies have a majority and dismissed nearly all of them.
The text now goes to a committee of seven senators and lower house lawmakers Monday who will try to reach agreement on differences before returning the bill to both houses for a final vote sometime next week.
Unions oppose a pillar of the reform - raising the retirement age from 60 to 62 - and have staged months of strikes and protests that have boiled over into radical action and scattered clashes.
Sarkozy had ordered regional authorities to intervene and force open depots, accusing the strikers of holding ordinary people and the French economy "hostage."
The Interior Ministry said the operation at the Grandpuits fuel refinery succeeded "without incident," but the CGT union claimed three workers were injured. Emergency workers brought stretchers to the depot, located 50 miles (80 kilometers) east of Paris, the closest source of gasoline supplies to the French capital.
Helmeted officers in body armor descended overnight on Grandpuits, confronting workers who shoved back and shouted union slogans as they sought to keep police from opening the gates to the depot, which is run by oil giant Total SA.
"We are outraged, scandalized," said Charles Foulard, a union leader at the Grandpuits depot.
Workers have been camped in front of the site for 10 days, blocking access and contributing to widespread fuel shortages. As of Friday, about 20 percent of France's service stations were still empty, down from 40 percent a few days ago.
Sarkozy says overhauling the money-losing pension system is vital to ensuring that future generations receive any pensions at all. It's a choice many European governments are facing as populations live longer and government debts soar.
But French unions say retirement at 60 is a hard-earned right, and claim the working class will be unfairly punished by the pension reform. They also fear this is just the first step in dismantling an entire network of benefits that make France an enviable place to work and live.
Police also broke a picket line early Friday at a fuel depot in Grand Quevilly in western France. Police forced it open earlier this week, but defiant protesters had blocked it again Thursday.
Prime Minister Francois Fillon convened oil industry executives Friday to look at the country's lagging fuel supplies, and said it will take "several more days" for a return to normal.
The head of the national petroleum industry body, Jean-Louis Schilansky, says it is struggling to import fuel to make up for the shortfall, because strikers are also blockading two key oil terminals, in Le Havre and Marseille. Dozens of tankers remained anchored in the waters off Marseille, unable to unload.
"The problem isn't so much finding the oil, it is getting it in to the country," he told journalists. "If the depots and refineries remain blocked, we will not make it."
Schilansky insisted, however, that France has weeks or months of fuel reserves. The government has ordered oil companies to pool fuel to make sure gas stations are stocked, particularly this weekend as nationwide school vacations begin.
Paris taxi driver Jerome Nourry resorted to getting gas in neighboring Belgium.
"We have to be inventive. I drove a customer to Belgium yesterday, so I took advantage to put some gas in a container," he said in Paris on Friday. "We do what we can, in order to be able to work."
The gas shortages and other disruptions have hit many sectors of the economy, and Global Equities' head economist Marc Touati said it could wipe out between 0.1 and 0.2 percentage points of economic growth.
The government predicts economic growth of 2 percent next year, after 1.5 percent in 2010.
Unions blame the government for letting tensions build so high, and announced two more days of protest nationwide, next week and the week after.
Violence around student protests have added a new dimension to the volatile mix.
Police vans and water cannon trucks stood ready Friday in Lyon, where city workers cleaned up scattered glass from rampages the day before. Police used tear gas and water cannon against youths hurling bottles and overturning cars.
"It is not troublemakers who will have the last word in a democracy," Sarkozy told officials in central France, promising to find and punish rioters.
The protests even forced Lady Gaga to cancel her Paris pop concerts.
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